Uyghur Protests Widen as Xinjiang Unrest Flares
New protests have erupted in China’s western Xinjiang region, two days after at least 156 people were killed and over 1,000 wounded in the country’s worst ethnic violence in decades. On Tuesday, some 200 ethnic Uyghurs, mostly women, took to the streets to protest the mass arrest of more than 1,400 people following Sunday’s clashes. Later, hundreds of ethnic Han Chinese marched through the streets of Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang province. The two sides blame each other for the outbreak of violence. [includes rush transcript]
Nury Turkel, a Uyghur American attorney. He is the co-founder of the Uyghur Human Rights Project and past president of the Uyghur American Association.
AMY GOODMAN: New protests have erupted in China’s western Xinjiang region, two days after at least 156 people were killed and over 1,000 wounded in the country’s worst ethnic violence in decades. On Tuesday, some 200 ethnic Uyghurs, who are a Muslim minority, took to the streets to protest the mass arrest of more than 1,400 people following Sunday’s clashes. The protesters, mostly women and children, were surrounded by riot police armed with rifles and tear gas.
Later, hundreds of ethnic Han Chinese marched through the streets of Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang province, armed with clubs and machetes, smashing shops and stalls belonging to Uyghurs. Security forces fired tear gas to disperse the crowds.
The two sides blame each other for the outbreak of the violence. Officials say 156 people, mostly ethnic Han Chinese, died in Sunday’s violence. Uyghur groups say many more have died, claiming 90 percent of the dead are Uyghurs. The Uyghur demonstrators say they had been demanding justice for two Uyghurs killed last month in a fight with Han Chinese at a toy factory in southeastern China.
Chinese authorities have tried to crack down on dissent since Sunday’s protests, carrying out mass arrests, restricting media access, and cutting off cell phone and internet services.
For more, we’re joined by Nury Turkel, a Uyghur American attorney. He is the co-founder of the Uyghur Human Rights Project and past president of the Uyghur American Association. He joins us from Washington, DC.
Welcome to Democracy Now!, Nury Turkel.
NURY TURKEL: Thank you for having me. Good morning.
AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us. Can you explain the background of what took place this weekend?
NURY TURKEL: A couple things were the reasons of Sunday’s—what started as a peaceful demonstration. The first thing is, the Uyghurs, I believe, fed up with the communist Chinese regime, which has been brutally oppressing Uyghurs political, economic and social freedom in the last six decades. And second reason is the mob killing and beating in a factory, toy factory, in southern province of Guangdong, where hundreds of Uyghurs injured and many others killed.
And the Uyghurs in Urumqi, the provincial capital, use internet and modern means of telecommunication to reach out to the government, local government, to demand for justice, demand justice for the injured and killed Uyghurs in Guangdong Province. And the local authorities, regional chairman, regional Communist Party chief, ignored the legitimate demand that the Uyghurs asked. So, those are the two reasons triggered, sparked Sunday’s demonstration.
AMY GOODMAN: Explain exactly who the Uyghurs are, Nury Turkel.
NURY TURKEL: The Uyghurs are the other Tibetans that you never heard of. The Uyghurs are ethnically a Turkic people. They speak a language that is similar to the one spoken in Uzbekistan and all the way to Black Sea region of Turkey or Central Turkey.
The Uyghurs historically have been a very politically active people in the region. They have had their own Uyghur empire throughout history. In modern memory, they had two short-lived Republics, known as East Turkistan Republic. The first one was established in 1933. The second one was established in 1944. The second one was destroyed mainly by Stalin’s aim to collaborate with the Chinese. Five of the most prominent leaders of the Uyghur Republic killed in a mysterious air crash in 1949 in Kazakhstan airspace on their way to negotiate the final status of the East Turkistan with the Chinese. Ever since, Uyghurs fall into the communist Chinese regime. Today, the Uyghurs feel that they live in an open prison.
AMY GOODMAN: Nury, this last weekend, why did this all start? Explain exactly how it was sparked.
NURY TURKEL: The Uyghurs, you know, the special—particularly after 9/11, the Uyghurs have been pressured in all fronts. The Uyghurs literally lost anything that they had, even their native language and their own cultural heritage that they had been proudly adhering to. The economic pressure, social pressure, political pressure made the Uyghurs feel they had been suffocated by the communist regime.
Today in Uyghur society, the Uyghurs don’t have a right to worship. They don’t have a right to a fair employment. They don’t have a right to enjoy their cultural heritage. The women under—women and the children under eighteen years old and even retired government workers are not allowed to participate in any religious activities. The Uyghur language has been banned in higher education system. They imposed Chinese-language-based education system. And despite the economic boom in China, Uyghurs experience the highest unemployment rate, and the Chinese government openly discourages and discriminates—discourages Uyghurs applying for high-paid positions. And also, the job advertisements, if you look at them, openly discourage the Uyghurs to apply for certain type of high-paid jobs in the society.
AMY GOODMAN: And the actual toy factory incident where two Uyghurs were killed, two Uyghur workers, that took place nowhere near where this is taking place now.
NURY TURKEL: Several years ago, Chinese government started this program bringing the Uyghurs into inner Chinese cities. That includes women from countryside, to locate them in factories all around Chinese coastal cities. Today, you can find Uyghur workers in factories, manufacturers, making Nike sneakers, and some toy factories.
This particular one is very large factory located in Guangdong province, where they have roughly around 800 Uyghur workers from southern city of Kashgar. One of the disgruntled Chinese worker post a message claiming that two Uyghur men raped a Chinese woman, which turned out to be false, triggered the mob and the local Han Chinese workers to attack the Uyghur workers at night. And the government reported only two deaths, but based on the Radio Free Asia reporting after the interview of two of the injured Uyghurs, the number is much larger than that.
As we speak today, more than 400 Uyghur workers previously worked for this toy factory have been locked up in an undisclosed location. The claim is the government is protecting their safety. If the government is protecting their safety, they should be allowed to be returned home to Kashgar. The government obviously didn’t allow to do that—allow them to do that.
And also, the local Guangdong provincial government failed to exercise its obligation to investigate the criminal act. This Radio Free Asia report also indicates that the security guards for that manufacturer allowed the outside mobs to come in with clubs and lead tubes to beat up the Uyghur workers, including women. So, this is unacceptable to any standard. The Uyghurs in Urumqi could not accept this brutal act against workers, Uyghur workers who were from the countryside of the Uyghur region, who just simply wanted to earn some money and go back.
And another displeasure that the Uyghurs express is, back in 1949, the Han Chinese population was only three percent, but now reached over 45 percent. The Han Chinese still keep coming. They can work. They can get all types of loans. They can get all types of government high-paid positions, whereas poor Uyghurs cannot even work and peacefully go on with their lives in a manufacture, in minimum-paid jobs in Guangdong province. This created a natural resentment, not only to the Uyghurs inside China; the worldwide Uyghur community is outraged, where several hundred of Uyghurs tried to make a living in a factory, whereas millions of millions of Chinese still keep coming and taking over and making the Uyghurs second-class citizens in their own land.
AMY GOODMAN: Nury Turkel, I think the way most people know about Uyghurs in the United States, of course, is Guantanamo, the Uyghur prisoners there. And as the butt of jokes. Two weeks ago, Bermuda and the Pacific island nation of Palau said they were going to be accepting a group of Uyghur prisoners who had been held at Guantanamo for seven years, even though US officials admitted they were wrongly detained. The Uyghurs could not be returned to China, out of fear they would be imprisoned and tortured. So at the recent Radio TV Correspondents’ Dinner, President Obama joked about the plight of the Uyghurs.
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: Nick at Nite has a new take on an old classic: Leave It to Uyghurs. I thought that was pretty good.
AMY GOODMAN: Obama also joked about the refusal of other countries to accept prisoners held at Guantanamo.
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: As I have traveled to all these countries, I saw firsthand how much people truly have in common with one another, because no matter where I went there is one thing I heard over and over again from every world leader: “No thanks, but have you considered Palau?”
AMY GOODMAN: Nury Turkel, these prisoners from Guantanamo, the Uyghur prisoners, and your response to President Obama?
NURY TURKEL: President Obama has not speak up on behalf of the Uyghurs. In order to understand the Guantanamo Uyghur situation, we have to look at the overall human rights condition in East Turkistan region, because you will not be able to understand why these Uyghurs left China and end up being in Taliban-controlled territory in Afghanistan. Without knowing the Chinese bullying all around the world, you will not be able to understand why the Uyghurs cannot be resettled in other countries. So, these are all connected.
Some of these Uyghurs in Guantanamo, or have been to Guantanamo, were participants of 1997 demonstration, which is very similar to what we have been witnessing in Urumqi today. For example, one of the five Uyghurs released into Albania was not only the participant, one the leaders, of the 1997 Gulja demonstration. He is not only punished by being a participant, his entire family, his brother-in-law, locked up, and his brother-in-law died in prison. So the events—the events that is taking place in Chinese-controlled East Turkistan region has a direct relationship to the Uyghurs currently being in prison in Guantanamo.
And I am very surprised and disappointed, like many other Uyghur ex-pats and Uyghur Americans here, that our government is not speaking up. It’s been two days. And I can’t imagine that my government will be sitting and watching the events falling like this, if it is other things happen in China. I hate to use this example, but when the Tibetans took to the streets last March, the international community be outraged. But this demonstration turned into a riot in Urumqi is much larger than what we have seen in Lhasa, and our government has been largely quiet. Yesterday, the State Department expressed concern, and Robert Gibbs, the spokesperson for President Obama, asked all sides to restrain. You know, that is a classic response, but we need more than that. The United States can do a bit better job. The Obama administration needs to deliver some of this hope to the Uyghurs, as well, as it did to the Americans and the rest of the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Nury Turkel, I want to thank you for being with us, Uyghur American attorney, co-founder of the Uyghur Human Rights Project, past president of the Uyghur American Association, speaking to us from Washington, DC.
Menbe: http://www.democracynow.org/2009/7/7/uyghur_protests_widen_as_xinjiang_unrest
Wednesday, July 29, 2009
Mass arrests over China violence
Advertisement
Beijing says ethnic Muslim Uighurs targeted Han Chinese
Chinese police have arrested 1,434 Uyghur people over rioting in Xinjiang province, official state media say.
Rioting broke out on Sunday in Urumqi - the capital of Xinjiang - leaving 156 people dead and more than 800 injured.
Unrest has continued, with hundreds of Uighurs facing off against police in Urumqi on Tuesday, and protests around a mosque in Kashgar on Monday.
Beijing blames ethnic Muslim Uighurs for the violence, but exiled Uighurs say police fired on students.
Demonstrators said they had been demanding justice for two Uighurs killed last month in a fight with ethnic Han Chinese at a factory in southern China.
The bloodshed drew international concern, with the US calling for all sides to "exercise restraint".
The official Chinese news agency Xinhua reported on Monday that police believed agitators were "trying to organise more unrest" in other cities in Xinjiang, a mountainous and desert region that borders Central Asia.
About 200 people "trying to gather" at the Id Kah mosque in the centre of Kashgar, on the ancient Silk Road, were dispersed by police early on Monday evening, Xinhua said.
Police also revealed they had information about efforts to organise unrest in the city of Aksu and the Yili prefecture, Xinhua added. Yili is a border region that was hit by ethnic unrest in the late 1990s.
Calm in Urumqi
As relative calm returned to the bloodstained streets of Urumqi, paramilitary police patrolled the main bazaar - a largely Uighur neighbourhood - carrying batons, bamboo poles and slingshots.
Extremist forces inside and outside of China communicated with each other intensively before the incident erupted
Liu Weimin
Chinese embassy, London
Uighur resentment at Beijing's rule
China tells its own story
Accounts of Xinjiang violence
Mobile phone services were said to be blocked and internet connections cut or slowed down.
Witnesses and state media said that rioters overturned barricades, attacked vehicles and houses, and clashed with police in Urumqi on Sunday.
State television showed footage of protesters beating and kicking people on the ground.
There were graphic images of people who appeared to be ethnic Han Chinese sitting dazed with blood pouring down their faces.
Wu Nong, news director for the Xinjiang government, said more than 260 vehicles were attacked and more than 200 shops and houses damaged.
UIGHURS AND XINJIANG
Uighurs are ethnically Turkic Muslims
They make up about 45% of the region's population. 40% are Han Chinese
China re-established control in 1949 after crushing short-lived state of East Turkestan
Since then, large-scale immigration of Han Chinese
Uighurs fear erosion of traditional culture
Sporadic violence since 1991
Attack on 4 Aug 2008 near Kashgar kills 16 Chinese policemen
In pictures: Xinjiang protests
Q&A: China and the Uighurs
China tells its own story
Accounts of Xinjiang violence
A senior communist party official in Xinjiang confirmed on Tuesday that 129 men and 27 women were killed in the clashes in Urumqi. The figure is higher than had been reported on Monday.
The police say some bodies were recovered from street corners in the aftermath of the clashes. Others died in hospital.
Accounts differ over how the violence happened. The Xinjiang government blamed separatist Uighurs based abroad for orchestrating attacks on Han Chinese.
But Uighur groups insisted their protest was peaceful and had fallen victim to state violence, with police firing indiscriminately on protesters in Urumqi.
Liu Weimin, a spokesman at the Chinese Embassy in London, told the BBC's The World Tonight that extremist forces had been involved.
"The local government in Xinjiang has evidence that extremist forces inside and outside of China communicated with each other intensively before the incident erupted on Sunday," he said.
Rebiya Kadeer, exiled president of the Uighur American Association, denied claims that she had incited the riots.
She said she had learned about the protests from websites and only called her family in China to warn them to stay away from any trouble.
There has been widespread international concern at the clashes, which some analysts say are the most serious in China since Tiananmen Square in 1989.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon led the calls for restraint, a sentiment echoed by Britain and the US.
White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said: "We are deeply concerned over reports of many deaths and injuries from violence in Urumqi in western China. We call on all in Xinjiang to exercise restraint."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Are you in Xinjiang? Did you see what happened in the region? Tell us your experiences using in the form below.
A selection of your comments may be published, displaying your name and location unless you state otherwise in the box below.
Menbe: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8137432.stm
Advertisement
Beijing says ethnic Muslim Uighurs targeted Han Chinese
Chinese police have arrested 1,434 Uyghur people over rioting in Xinjiang province, official state media say.
Rioting broke out on Sunday in Urumqi - the capital of Xinjiang - leaving 156 people dead and more than 800 injured.
Unrest has continued, with hundreds of Uighurs facing off against police in Urumqi on Tuesday, and protests around a mosque in Kashgar on Monday.
Beijing blames ethnic Muslim Uighurs for the violence, but exiled Uighurs say police fired on students.
Demonstrators said they had been demanding justice for two Uighurs killed last month in a fight with ethnic Han Chinese at a factory in southern China.
The bloodshed drew international concern, with the US calling for all sides to "exercise restraint".
The official Chinese news agency Xinhua reported on Monday that police believed agitators were "trying to organise more unrest" in other cities in Xinjiang, a mountainous and desert region that borders Central Asia.
About 200 people "trying to gather" at the Id Kah mosque in the centre of Kashgar, on the ancient Silk Road, were dispersed by police early on Monday evening, Xinhua said.
Police also revealed they had information about efforts to organise unrest in the city of Aksu and the Yili prefecture, Xinhua added. Yili is a border region that was hit by ethnic unrest in the late 1990s.
Calm in Urumqi
As relative calm returned to the bloodstained streets of Urumqi, paramilitary police patrolled the main bazaar - a largely Uighur neighbourhood - carrying batons, bamboo poles and slingshots.
Extremist forces inside and outside of China communicated with each other intensively before the incident erupted
Liu Weimin
Chinese embassy, London
Uighur resentment at Beijing's rule
China tells its own story
Accounts of Xinjiang violence
Mobile phone services were said to be blocked and internet connections cut or slowed down.
Witnesses and state media said that rioters overturned barricades, attacked vehicles and houses, and clashed with police in Urumqi on Sunday.
State television showed footage of protesters beating and kicking people on the ground.
There were graphic images of people who appeared to be ethnic Han Chinese sitting dazed with blood pouring down their faces.
Wu Nong, news director for the Xinjiang government, said more than 260 vehicles were attacked and more than 200 shops and houses damaged.
UIGHURS AND XINJIANG
Uighurs are ethnically Turkic Muslims
They make up about 45% of the region's population. 40% are Han Chinese
China re-established control in 1949 after crushing short-lived state of East Turkestan
Since then, large-scale immigration of Han Chinese
Uighurs fear erosion of traditional culture
Sporadic violence since 1991
Attack on 4 Aug 2008 near Kashgar kills 16 Chinese policemen
In pictures: Xinjiang protests
Q&A: China and the Uighurs
China tells its own story
Accounts of Xinjiang violence
A senior communist party official in Xinjiang confirmed on Tuesday that 129 men and 27 women were killed in the clashes in Urumqi. The figure is higher than had been reported on Monday.
The police say some bodies were recovered from street corners in the aftermath of the clashes. Others died in hospital.
Accounts differ over how the violence happened. The Xinjiang government blamed separatist Uighurs based abroad for orchestrating attacks on Han Chinese.
But Uighur groups insisted their protest was peaceful and had fallen victim to state violence, with police firing indiscriminately on protesters in Urumqi.
Liu Weimin, a spokesman at the Chinese Embassy in London, told the BBC's The World Tonight that extremist forces had been involved.
"The local government in Xinjiang has evidence that extremist forces inside and outside of China communicated with each other intensively before the incident erupted on Sunday," he said.
Rebiya Kadeer, exiled president of the Uighur American Association, denied claims that she had incited the riots.
She said she had learned about the protests from websites and only called her family in China to warn them to stay away from any trouble.
There has been widespread international concern at the clashes, which some analysts say are the most serious in China since Tiananmen Square in 1989.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon led the calls for restraint, a sentiment echoed by Britain and the US.
White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said: "We are deeply concerned over reports of many deaths and injuries from violence in Urumqi in western China. We call on all in Xinjiang to exercise restraint."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Are you in Xinjiang? Did you see what happened in the region? Tell us your experiences using in the form below.
A selection of your comments may be published, displaying your name and location unless you state otherwise in the box below.
Menbe: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8137432.stm
Uyghur unrest threatens China's relations with Muslim world
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal China risks Muslim outrage as violence continues in Xinjiang. Tribal militia strikes Taliban in NWFP. Niger Delta militants launch daring raid in Lagos. Medvedev and US navy enter Georgian contest. Gunmen in Mogadishu kidnap two French citizens. Mugabe and Tsvangirai supporters clash at constitutional conference. And much more in today's update.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's condemed violence in China's Xinjiang province as "genocide", amongst other notes of solidarity and outrage across the Muslim world sparked by recent events in Urumqi. Erdogan's remarks drew harsh criticism from Chinese media, and Chinese diplomats have demanded a formal apology. Any hope that China could quickly pacify the region, salvaging its international prestige, were dashed in Urumqi yesterday where two Uyghur men who were allegedly calling for jihad were shot by Chinese security forces, large numbers of whom are still in deployment across the city.
The toD verdict: In terms more familiarly directed against western accusations of human rights abuses, the Chinese state condemned Turkey's "interference in Chinese internal affairs" but there is little hope that the wider Muslim world will turn a blind eye to the treatment of the Uyghur population and China's reputation, and even security abroad may suffer.
Perhaps most significantly, al-Qaeda issued a call for vengeance against Chinese workers in Muslim regions, signalling the first direct threat by the terrorist group against Chinese interests. Hamas warned of the dangers of damaging Chinese relations with Muslim people but did not signal any direct threat. In an apparent nod to the risks China's domestic situation now poses abroad, the Chinese foreign minister announced extra precautions would be taken to guard Chinese interests.
Like Turkey, Indonesia bore witness to anti-Chinese riots, where, as in much of South East Asia, Chinese and Muslim populations live alongside. Whether such popular outrage will substantially damage China's close economic and diplomatic relations with much of the Muslim world remains to be seen.
Tribal forces take fight to the Taliban in North West Pakistan
Local officials in Mohmand district of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province reported that 23 Taliban militants had been killed in an attack by a 150 strong pro-government tribal militia in the region. The militia are said to be pursuing the Taliban, who fled to surrounding highlands. The government has pursued a course of supporting local Lashkars, as the tribal militias are known, in regions beyond the pale of the Pakistani state and its security forces. Although the strike is an indication of the effectiveness of such a course, doubts remain over the capacity of Lashkars to systematically suppress Taliban activity.
Meanwhile, an oil truck convoy on route to supply NATO forces in Afghanistan was ambushed approaching the nearby Khyber Pass. Mortar fire preceded a direct attack on the convoy that left two civilians dead and a tanker in flames. It is the latest of several attacks on NATO supply routes in Pakistan which run through Taliban dominated borderlands.
Niger Delta militants strike Lagos
Militants from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend) launched a daring first attack on Nigeria's first city. Gunmen disembarked from speedboats and attacked the Atlas Cove Jetty, a facility for tankers to unload fuel, within sight of the city's financial district where multinationals such as Royal Dutch Shell are based. At least eight naval personnel were shot in the raid before the facility was blown up using explosives and the gunmen withdrew. The jetty was damaged "beyond repair", according to the executive of a key oil importing firm. The country, despite being the eighth biggest exporter of crude oil, relies on imported fuel due to the underdevelopment of its refineries and is now likely to face fuel shortages.
Russian president and US destroyer descend on Georgia
The USS Stout, a guided missile destroyer, weighed anchor of the coast of Georgia ahead of US-Georgian naval exercises widely seen as a show of US strength directed at Russia's attempt to restore its dominance in the Caucasus. The exercises will take place off the Georgian coast, a large portion of which is under the de facto control of the separatist state of Abkhazia.
The deployment comes a day after Russian President Dmitry Medvedev made a surprise visit to the Russian sponsored breakaway republic of South Ossetia. The visit was denounced by Georgian President Miheil Saakashvili reacted harshly to Medvedev's surpeise visit and meeting with South Ossetian leader Eduard Kokoity, who he denounced as an "unwashed murderer" and "corrupt criminal".
Gunmen kidnap two French citizens in Mogadishu
Two French citizens were abducted from their hotel by armed men in Mogadishu, the war-ravaged capital of Somalia. The men, who have been reported to be either journalists of security consultants, were taken hostage after around ten gunmen disarmed hotel guards on Tuesday morning.
The attack follows a recent outbreak of fighting around the presidential palace in the capital. Militants retreated from their positions around the palace after the active intervention of African Union peacekeepers, leaving scores killed and around 150 wounded after heavy fighting on Sunday. The reported intervention of African Union troops is the first since their deployment under rules of engagement which limit their use of force to self-defence. An African Union spokesmen said the peacekeepers only engaged in a show of force, rather than all-out combat, with the militants.
Mugabe supporters disrupt conference for new Zimbabwe constitution
A conference intended to draft a new constitution for Zimbabwe was disrupted by Zanu-PF supporters of President Robert Mugabe who sang revolutionary songs, threw bottles at politicians and engaged in scuffles with supporters of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The clashes, in which a MDC councillor was badly wounded, forced the cancellation of the event and riot police were deployed to restore order. After the violence subsided, Mugabe and Tsvangirai met and gave a joint press conference at which both stressed the necessity of a new constitution and ruled out an investigation into the origins of Monday's disturbances. The constitution, which it is hoped will give parliament more power to balance the executive, is intended to replace the existing constitution agreed with Britain in 1979.
Menbe:http://www.opendemocracy.net/terrorism/article/security_briefings/140709
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal China risks Muslim outrage as violence continues in Xinjiang. Tribal militia strikes Taliban in NWFP. Niger Delta militants launch daring raid in Lagos. Medvedev and US navy enter Georgian contest. Gunmen in Mogadishu kidnap two French citizens. Mugabe and Tsvangirai supporters clash at constitutional conference. And much more in today's update.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's condemed violence in China's Xinjiang province as "genocide", amongst other notes of solidarity and outrage across the Muslim world sparked by recent events in Urumqi. Erdogan's remarks drew harsh criticism from Chinese media, and Chinese diplomats have demanded a formal apology. Any hope that China could quickly pacify the region, salvaging its international prestige, were dashed in Urumqi yesterday where two Uyghur men who were allegedly calling for jihad were shot by Chinese security forces, large numbers of whom are still in deployment across the city.
The toD verdict: In terms more familiarly directed against western accusations of human rights abuses, the Chinese state condemned Turkey's "interference in Chinese internal affairs" but there is little hope that the wider Muslim world will turn a blind eye to the treatment of the Uyghur population and China's reputation, and even security abroad may suffer.
Perhaps most significantly, al-Qaeda issued a call for vengeance against Chinese workers in Muslim regions, signalling the first direct threat by the terrorist group against Chinese interests. Hamas warned of the dangers of damaging Chinese relations with Muslim people but did not signal any direct threat. In an apparent nod to the risks China's domestic situation now poses abroad, the Chinese foreign minister announced extra precautions would be taken to guard Chinese interests.
Like Turkey, Indonesia bore witness to anti-Chinese riots, where, as in much of South East Asia, Chinese and Muslim populations live alongside. Whether such popular outrage will substantially damage China's close economic and diplomatic relations with much of the Muslim world remains to be seen.
Tribal forces take fight to the Taliban in North West Pakistan
Local officials in Mohmand district of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province reported that 23 Taliban militants had been killed in an attack by a 150 strong pro-government tribal militia in the region. The militia are said to be pursuing the Taliban, who fled to surrounding highlands. The government has pursued a course of supporting local Lashkars, as the tribal militias are known, in regions beyond the pale of the Pakistani state and its security forces. Although the strike is an indication of the effectiveness of such a course, doubts remain over the capacity of Lashkars to systematically suppress Taliban activity.
Meanwhile, an oil truck convoy on route to supply NATO forces in Afghanistan was ambushed approaching the nearby Khyber Pass. Mortar fire preceded a direct attack on the convoy that left two civilians dead and a tanker in flames. It is the latest of several attacks on NATO supply routes in Pakistan which run through Taliban dominated borderlands.
Niger Delta militants strike Lagos
Militants from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend) launched a daring first attack on Nigeria's first city. Gunmen disembarked from speedboats and attacked the Atlas Cove Jetty, a facility for tankers to unload fuel, within sight of the city's financial district where multinationals such as Royal Dutch Shell are based. At least eight naval personnel were shot in the raid before the facility was blown up using explosives and the gunmen withdrew. The jetty was damaged "beyond repair", according to the executive of a key oil importing firm. The country, despite being the eighth biggest exporter of crude oil, relies on imported fuel due to the underdevelopment of its refineries and is now likely to face fuel shortages.
Russian president and US destroyer descend on Georgia
The USS Stout, a guided missile destroyer, weighed anchor of the coast of Georgia ahead of US-Georgian naval exercises widely seen as a show of US strength directed at Russia's attempt to restore its dominance in the Caucasus. The exercises will take place off the Georgian coast, a large portion of which is under the de facto control of the separatist state of Abkhazia.
The deployment comes a day after Russian President Dmitry Medvedev made a surprise visit to the Russian sponsored breakaway republic of South Ossetia. The visit was denounced by Georgian President Miheil Saakashvili reacted harshly to Medvedev's surpeise visit and meeting with South Ossetian leader Eduard Kokoity, who he denounced as an "unwashed murderer" and "corrupt criminal".
Gunmen kidnap two French citizens in Mogadishu
Two French citizens were abducted from their hotel by armed men in Mogadishu, the war-ravaged capital of Somalia. The men, who have been reported to be either journalists of security consultants, were taken hostage after around ten gunmen disarmed hotel guards on Tuesday morning.
The attack follows a recent outbreak of fighting around the presidential palace in the capital. Militants retreated from their positions around the palace after the active intervention of African Union peacekeepers, leaving scores killed and around 150 wounded after heavy fighting on Sunday. The reported intervention of African Union troops is the first since their deployment under rules of engagement which limit their use of force to self-defence. An African Union spokesmen said the peacekeepers only engaged in a show of force, rather than all-out combat, with the militants.
Mugabe supporters disrupt conference for new Zimbabwe constitution
A conference intended to draft a new constitution for Zimbabwe was disrupted by Zanu-PF supporters of President Robert Mugabe who sang revolutionary songs, threw bottles at politicians and engaged in scuffles with supporters of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The clashes, in which a MDC councillor was badly wounded, forced the cancellation of the event and riot police were deployed to restore order. After the violence subsided, Mugabe and Tsvangirai met and gave a joint press conference at which both stressed the necessity of a new constitution and ruled out an investigation into the origins of Monday's disturbances. The constitution, which it is hoped will give parliament more power to balance the executive, is intended to replace the existing constitution agreed with Britain in 1979.
Menbe:http://www.opendemocracy.net/terrorism/article/security_briefings/140709
Tuesday, July 28, 2009
Unrest in East Turkestan: What China is Not Telling the Media
Statement by Ms. Rebiya Kadeer, Uyghur democracy leader at the National Press Club on July 20, 2009
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
Before we begin, I would like to thank the National Press Club for the organization of this event, especially Mr. Peter Hickman. I would also like to thank you for your attendance here today.
Since the unrest in Urumchi on July 5, 2009, the official Chinese media, led by Xinhua news agency and Chinese Central Television, has vigorously presented to the world the Chinese government’s version of events and the cause of the discontent shown by Uyghurs in the streets of East Turkestan’s regional capital. Today’s press conference is to shed light on that reporting.
The version of the Urumchi unrest that has been presented to the world by the Chinese government follows this narrative. On July 5, Uyghur plotters took to the streets and in a display of “beating, smashing, looting, and burning” killed 197 people and injured 1,721. The riot was masterminded by Rebiya Kadeer and the World Uyghur Congress. Yesterday, Nur Bekri, the Chairman of what the Chinese government calls the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, admitted that Chinese security forces used live ammunition and shot dead protesters, who were referred to as “mobsters” in the official media, to control the unrest.
This version of events, as is so often the case with Chinese reporting, is not true. For instance, we know that far more than 12 Uyghurs were shot by Chinese authorities.
The Chinese government, through its proxies in the official media, is obscuring the truth in order to conceal a mass killing of Uyghurs by Chinese security forces. Furthermore, through its demonization of Uyghur protestors in the official media, it is attempting to justify the impending mass executions of Uyghurs as promised by Chinese officials.
The actual events in Urumchi according to eyewitness reports are as follows.
In the days leading up to July 5, an unknown person or persons posted on the forums of China-based websites an appeal to Uyghurs in Urumchi to peacefully protest the Chinese government’s mishandling of multiple killings of Uyghurs by Han Chinese at a toy factory in Shaoguan, Guangdong province. The forum post surprisingly remained online, which is contrary to the known behavior of Chinese government censors.
On July 5, Uyghurs, mostly young men and women, some of whom carried the flag of the People’s Republic of China, assembled and marched peacefully in Urumchi toward People’s Square. They asked for justice for the victims in Shaoguan and expressed sympathy with the families of those killed and injured. They also demanded to meet with government officials but none came out to meet with them.
As the protest was public knowledge, the protesters were met en route by a show of force, including four kinds of Chinese police- regular police; anti-riot police; special police and People's Armed Police. The police surrounded the protesters and tensions between police and protesters grew. According to an eyewitness caller to our offices, the protesters were incited by plainclothes agents to respond to the police presence. As tensions became heated, police started beating, kicking, and arresting protesters. Then, under the cover of darkness, Chinese security forces began to fire upon Uyghur protesters.
Protesters fled to other points of the city, where they were forced into several closed areas from which they could not escape. The protesters were indiscriminately shot and killed in these locations, and those remaining were arrested. Reports indicate that Chinese authorities turned off the street lighting in the areas where protesters were present. These reports also describe the possible killing of Han Chinese bystanders in the shootings by Chinese police, which may explain the high numbers of Han Chinese fatalities. That Han Chinese civilians may have been killed by Chinese police must be investigated by independent journalists.
In another phone call to our offices, a protestor at Xinjiang University reported that Uyghurs were being fired upon by Chinese police “right now”, and in the background we could hear the screams of people in the vicinity. The caller stated that they could see approximately 50 Uyghurs lying dead from Chinese police shooting in an area around the stop for the number 1 city bus.
On July 11, Reuters quoted a Uyghur resident of Urumchi who said that the official death toll is “the Han people’s number. We have our own number…Maybe many, many more Uighurs died. The police were scared and lost control.” In that same report, Reuters also stated that “a spray of bullet holes could be seen on the glass front of a Bank of China office…Many Uighur residents say they heard or saw gunfire.” That Chinese security forces used live ammunition in suppressing the protest was confirmed in several calls to our office received on Sunday night from protest participants.
Some Uyghurs reacted to the intimidation of Chinese policing. Uyghurs killed and injured Han Chinese in violent attacks. Here, I would like to say that I strongly condemn the violence which took place in Urumchi.
In the immediate aftermath of the violence, Chinese security forces conducted mass-arrests of Uyghurs, according to sources quoted by Radio Free Asia in a July 9 report. A caller to our offices stated that the dormitories at Xinjiang University were broken into by Chinese police in a bid to arrest Uyghurs deemed to have been involved in the unrest. In a Xinhua report [viii] dated July 7, Urumchi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, was quoted as saying that authorities had detained 1,434 people for their role in the Urumchi unrest. The World Uyghur Congress contests that number, as it has not been independently verified. A July 19 Financial Times report [ix] states that more than 4,000 Uyghurs have been arrested and that Urumchi’s prisons are so full that detainees are being held in People’s Liberation Army warehouses. We fear that these detainees face execution in non-transparent judicial procedures.
In further communications with our offices, Uyghurs reported that some of the Uyghur wounded from July 5 did not go to the hospital for fear of arrest. Those who did go to the hospital reported that they were either turned away or charged for treatment, while Han Chinese victims received assistance free of charge.
On July 6-7, 3,000 to 4,000 armed Han Chinese took to the streets attacking and killing [x] Uyghurs. Radio Free Asia reports [xi] an eyewitness as seeing 150 to 200 dead Uyghurs in the Hualin district. There have been no reported arrests of Han Chinese from these two days of violence against the Uyghur community in Urumchi. Radio Free Asia reported [xii] a Uyghur man as saying that “[w]hen the Chinese came out with batons and clubs, there is no one to stop them. They are pretending to stop them, but they are not really strict… If the Uyghurs had come out with batons and clubs, they would immediately be fired upon.”
In a further act of heavy handed policing, on July 13 reports [xiii] detailed the fatal shooting by Chinese armed police of two unarmed Uyghurs.
The Chinese government’s crackdown [xiv] on ordinary Uyghurs in East Turkestan is in full swing. The July 19 Financial Times report [xv] states that Chinese armed police have established checkpoints on all roads in and out of Urumchi and that “[p]rivate cars without Uighur passengers were waved through after a quick document check for the drivers. Vehicles with Uighur drivers or with Uighur passengers were being searched at gunpoint.” The report added that numbers of armed police in the region would be raised to 130,000 by October 1, 2009, the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.
The Chinese government has been vocal about the fact that it allowed the western media into Urumchi to confirm its version of events in order to create a veneer of legitimacy. This is most certainly a change of policy from the ban it imposed on foreign journalists during the March 2008 unrest in Lhasa. However, scratching below the surface, a careful media management strategy is evident. Through this strategy the Chinese government is attempting to conceal the events surrounding the Urumchi unrest, as it is the events surrounding the Shaoguan killings, which precipitated the Urumchi protests. Nevertheless details of those two events have filtered through Chinese censors to present a picture far different than that reported by the official media.
The official Chinese media reports [xvi] that two Uyghurs were killed during the Han Chinese mob attack at the toy factory in Shaoguan on June 26.
This is not true.
In the U.K. Guardian newspaper, Jonathan Watts reports [xvii] an interview with a Han Chinese man involved in the Shaoguan killings, who states that he personally “helped to kill seven or eight Uighurs, battering them until they stopped screaming.” The eyewitness added that the death toll could be around 30, a figure which tallies with reports we have received from workers at the toy factory who have been brave enough to call us.
In a Far Eastern Economic Review piece titled Fear Grips Shaoguan's Uighurs [xviii], Kathleen E. McLaughlin reports that 700 Uyghurs from the Shaoguan toy factory are now being detained at an abandoned factory ten miles away. The official Chinese media is not reporting this because, as eyewitness accounts testify, the version of events at Shaoguan it has given the world is false. The unlawful detention of these workers illustrates that if the real details of the Shaoguan killings emerge, they will reveal the unwillingness of the Chinese authorities to protect Uyghur citizens from Han Chinese mob violence.
The permission given to western journalists to report from East Turkestan is not all that it seems. Not only was the western media carefully guided through its stay in Urumchi, but reporters also faced detention if they ventured out themselves. Reporters from Radio Free Asia, Associated Press, Agence France-Presse [xix], and TV Tokyo [xx] were expelled or detained in the region because the authorities felt that they could not manage them sufficiently. Journalists who have reported a version of events which has strayed from the official path have received death threats [xxi] from Han Chinese nationalists.
In the wake of the unrest, internet and wireless communications went down [xxii] in Urumchi, and in the region. This was for a very good reason – to prevent an Iranian style spread of news from citizen journalists.
The Chinese authorities’ deep fear that that a different version of events will emerge from the one reported in the official media has spread to a threat issued to the legal community. According to the Congressional-Executive Commission on China [xxiii] (CECC), the Beijing Municipal Judicial Bureau [xxiv] “issued a notice on its Web site on July 8 calling on justice bureaus, the municipal lawyers association, and law offices in Beijing to ‘exercise caution’ in representing cases related to events” in East Turkestan.
The Chinese reporting on the Urumchi unrest has also not given any prominence to the involvement of key government officials in exacerbating disharmony between Han Chinese and Uyghurs.
Urumchi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, at a press conference [xxv] on July 8, stated that executions would be used to deal with protestors. The well-documented lack of transparency in the Chinese judicial system, especially for Uyghurs, coupled with the state-sanctioned threats towards lawyers who may represent protestors, illustrates that these executions, when they do take place, are political.
However, Xinhua did find it reasonable to report [xxvi] Li Zhi’s inflammatory chanting of “Down with Rebiya”, at the scene of the unrest, further fanning the flames of Han Chinese nationalism and dividing Uyghurs and Han Chinese. Indeed, official comments have taken on an even more hyperbolic nature, as the China Daily charges [xxvii] that the Urumchi unrest can be linked to Al-Qaeda.
Since the Urumchi unrest, the Chinese government has made a number of high profile attacks on freedom of speech in western countries to suffocate Uyghurs in exile.
On July 8, I published an op-ed [xxviii] in the Wall Street Journal. I commend the Wall Street Journal’s decision to publish the piece due to the disgraceful nature of some of the remarks left on its comments section by Han Chinese nationalist “netizens”. The remarks not only attacked the newspaper, calling for a boycott of the publication, but also a number of distressing personal comments were made about myself. Xinhua, in a July 13 report [xxix], went so far as to congratulate those people who had left these abusive ultra-nationalist comments.
Rightfully so, if free speech is to be respected, the Wall Street Journal published a letter [xxx] from Wang Baodong, the spokesman for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, D.C., on July 15. However, Mr. Wang used his opportunity to chastise the western media for its exercise of freedom of speech by stating that “[t]he Chinese government and people are very much displeased with the Journal's decision to publish Rebiya Kadeer's…op-ed”.
The attack on freedom of speech in the western media was also taken to Australia. The cultural attaché at the Chinese consulate in Melbourne, Chen Chunmei, urged [xxxi] organizers of the Melbourne International Film Festival to withdraw a film about my advocacy work. The festival organizers dismissed the pressure.
Naturally, what is missing from the Chinese official media’s reporting of the Urumchi unrest is the larger picture of repression of Uyghurs in China. This repression includes the forced transfer [xxxii] of young Uyghur women to Chinese sweatshops; the demolition [xxxiii] of Uyghur cultural heritage in Kashgar; a monolingual [xxxiv] language-planning policy; discriminatory [xxxv] hiring practices; torture and execution [xxxvi] on political charges; and curbs [xxxvii] on freedom of religion.
The six decades-long repression of Uyghurs by the Chinese government is the true cause of the unrest in Urumchi.
At this point in the East Turkestan issue, I seek an independent and international investigation into the Shaoguan killings and into the Urumchi unrest. Let the world understand the real events. The streets of cities in East Turkestan are littered with closed-circuit television. The tapes from cameras on the streets of Urumchi during the unrest should be made freely available to western journalists. If the truth were to emerge, this would surely contribute to a path of dialogue between Han Chinese and Uyghur based on equality and trust.
I also urge the Chinese government to allow journalists access to East Turkestan and Uyghurs without any conditions. It is well-known that Uyghurs who speak to western journalists often disappear. No one knows the whereabouts of Dilkex Tiliwaldi, a Uyghur who disappeared after speaking to a PBS journalist several years ago.
This access to East Turkestan will be critical in the coming days as looming executions of Uyghurs on political charges come ever nearer (see CECC’s Authorities Pledge Crackdown Following Xinjiang Demonstration and Clashes [xxxviii]). We fear that a number of Uyghurs are going to be executed unnoticed by the world. In order to prevent such state-sanctioned killing we require the eyes of the world’s media and the world’s governments to remain on East Turkestan and to speak out against a further abuse of the Uyghur people’s human rights.
My last appeal is to western journalists. Please consider carefully the information you receive from the official Chinese media. I understand that the Chinese government’s management of information makes it difficult for you to produce work under tight deadlines, but please consider the source of the information, the Chinese government, and the political motives that drive its output of news.
Thank you.
For immediate release
July 20, 2009, 5:30 pm EST
Contact: Uyghur American Association +1 (202) 349 1496
From:http://www.chinafreepress.org/publish/Othernews/Unrest_in_East_Turkestan_What_China_is_Not_Telling_the_Media.shtml
An ADTION.:http://www.obiv.org.tr/2005/avrasya/hkok.pdf
Statement by Ms. Rebiya Kadeer, Uyghur democracy leader at the National Press Club on July 20, 2009
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
Before we begin, I would like to thank the National Press Club for the organization of this event, especially Mr. Peter Hickman. I would also like to thank you for your attendance here today.
Since the unrest in Urumchi on July 5, 2009, the official Chinese media, led by Xinhua news agency and Chinese Central Television, has vigorously presented to the world the Chinese government’s version of events and the cause of the discontent shown by Uyghurs in the streets of East Turkestan’s regional capital. Today’s press conference is to shed light on that reporting.
The version of the Urumchi unrest that has been presented to the world by the Chinese government follows this narrative. On July 5, Uyghur plotters took to the streets and in a display of “beating, smashing, looting, and burning” killed 197 people and injured 1,721. The riot was masterminded by Rebiya Kadeer and the World Uyghur Congress. Yesterday, Nur Bekri, the Chairman of what the Chinese government calls the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, admitted that Chinese security forces used live ammunition and shot dead protesters, who were referred to as “mobsters” in the official media, to control the unrest.
This version of events, as is so often the case with Chinese reporting, is not true. For instance, we know that far more than 12 Uyghurs were shot by Chinese authorities.
The Chinese government, through its proxies in the official media, is obscuring the truth in order to conceal a mass killing of Uyghurs by Chinese security forces. Furthermore, through its demonization of Uyghur protestors in the official media, it is attempting to justify the impending mass executions of Uyghurs as promised by Chinese officials.
The actual events in Urumchi according to eyewitness reports are as follows.
In the days leading up to July 5, an unknown person or persons posted on the forums of China-based websites an appeal to Uyghurs in Urumchi to peacefully protest the Chinese government’s mishandling of multiple killings of Uyghurs by Han Chinese at a toy factory in Shaoguan, Guangdong province. The forum post surprisingly remained online, which is contrary to the known behavior of Chinese government censors.
On July 5, Uyghurs, mostly young men and women, some of whom carried the flag of the People’s Republic of China, assembled and marched peacefully in Urumchi toward People’s Square. They asked for justice for the victims in Shaoguan and expressed sympathy with the families of those killed and injured. They also demanded to meet with government officials but none came out to meet with them.
As the protest was public knowledge, the protesters were met en route by a show of force, including four kinds of Chinese police- regular police; anti-riot police; special police and People's Armed Police. The police surrounded the protesters and tensions between police and protesters grew. According to an eyewitness caller to our offices, the protesters were incited by plainclothes agents to respond to the police presence. As tensions became heated, police started beating, kicking, and arresting protesters. Then, under the cover of darkness, Chinese security forces began to fire upon Uyghur protesters.
Protesters fled to other points of the city, where they were forced into several closed areas from which they could not escape. The protesters were indiscriminately shot and killed in these locations, and those remaining were arrested. Reports indicate that Chinese authorities turned off the street lighting in the areas where protesters were present. These reports also describe the possible killing of Han Chinese bystanders in the shootings by Chinese police, which may explain the high numbers of Han Chinese fatalities. That Han Chinese civilians may have been killed by Chinese police must be investigated by independent journalists.
In another phone call to our offices, a protestor at Xinjiang University reported that Uyghurs were being fired upon by Chinese police “right now”, and in the background we could hear the screams of people in the vicinity. The caller stated that they could see approximately 50 Uyghurs lying dead from Chinese police shooting in an area around the stop for the number 1 city bus.
On July 11, Reuters quoted a Uyghur resident of Urumchi who said that the official death toll is “the Han people’s number. We have our own number…Maybe many, many more Uighurs died. The police were scared and lost control.” In that same report, Reuters also stated that “a spray of bullet holes could be seen on the glass front of a Bank of China office…Many Uighur residents say they heard or saw gunfire.” That Chinese security forces used live ammunition in suppressing the protest was confirmed in several calls to our office received on Sunday night from protest participants.
Some Uyghurs reacted to the intimidation of Chinese policing. Uyghurs killed and injured Han Chinese in violent attacks. Here, I would like to say that I strongly condemn the violence which took place in Urumchi.
In the immediate aftermath of the violence, Chinese security forces conducted mass-arrests of Uyghurs, according to sources quoted by Radio Free Asia in a July 9 report. A caller to our offices stated that the dormitories at Xinjiang University were broken into by Chinese police in a bid to arrest Uyghurs deemed to have been involved in the unrest. In a Xinhua report [viii] dated July 7, Urumchi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, was quoted as saying that authorities had detained 1,434 people for their role in the Urumchi unrest. The World Uyghur Congress contests that number, as it has not been independently verified. A July 19 Financial Times report [ix] states that more than 4,000 Uyghurs have been arrested and that Urumchi’s prisons are so full that detainees are being held in People’s Liberation Army warehouses. We fear that these detainees face execution in non-transparent judicial procedures.
In further communications with our offices, Uyghurs reported that some of the Uyghur wounded from July 5 did not go to the hospital for fear of arrest. Those who did go to the hospital reported that they were either turned away or charged for treatment, while Han Chinese victims received assistance free of charge.
On July 6-7, 3,000 to 4,000 armed Han Chinese took to the streets attacking and killing [x] Uyghurs. Radio Free Asia reports [xi] an eyewitness as seeing 150 to 200 dead Uyghurs in the Hualin district. There have been no reported arrests of Han Chinese from these two days of violence against the Uyghur community in Urumchi. Radio Free Asia reported [xii] a Uyghur man as saying that “[w]hen the Chinese came out with batons and clubs, there is no one to stop them. They are pretending to stop them, but they are not really strict… If the Uyghurs had come out with batons and clubs, they would immediately be fired upon.”
In a further act of heavy handed policing, on July 13 reports [xiii] detailed the fatal shooting by Chinese armed police of two unarmed Uyghurs.
The Chinese government’s crackdown [xiv] on ordinary Uyghurs in East Turkestan is in full swing. The July 19 Financial Times report [xv] states that Chinese armed police have established checkpoints on all roads in and out of Urumchi and that “[p]rivate cars without Uighur passengers were waved through after a quick document check for the drivers. Vehicles with Uighur drivers or with Uighur passengers were being searched at gunpoint.” The report added that numbers of armed police in the region would be raised to 130,000 by October 1, 2009, the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.
The Chinese government has been vocal about the fact that it allowed the western media into Urumchi to confirm its version of events in order to create a veneer of legitimacy. This is most certainly a change of policy from the ban it imposed on foreign journalists during the March 2008 unrest in Lhasa. However, scratching below the surface, a careful media management strategy is evident. Through this strategy the Chinese government is attempting to conceal the events surrounding the Urumchi unrest, as it is the events surrounding the Shaoguan killings, which precipitated the Urumchi protests. Nevertheless details of those two events have filtered through Chinese censors to present a picture far different than that reported by the official media.
The official Chinese media reports [xvi] that two Uyghurs were killed during the Han Chinese mob attack at the toy factory in Shaoguan on June 26.
This is not true.
In the U.K. Guardian newspaper, Jonathan Watts reports [xvii] an interview with a Han Chinese man involved in the Shaoguan killings, who states that he personally “helped to kill seven or eight Uighurs, battering them until they stopped screaming.” The eyewitness added that the death toll could be around 30, a figure which tallies with reports we have received from workers at the toy factory who have been brave enough to call us.
In a Far Eastern Economic Review piece titled Fear Grips Shaoguan's Uighurs [xviii], Kathleen E. McLaughlin reports that 700 Uyghurs from the Shaoguan toy factory are now being detained at an abandoned factory ten miles away. The official Chinese media is not reporting this because, as eyewitness accounts testify, the version of events at Shaoguan it has given the world is false. The unlawful detention of these workers illustrates that if the real details of the Shaoguan killings emerge, they will reveal the unwillingness of the Chinese authorities to protect Uyghur citizens from Han Chinese mob violence.
The permission given to western journalists to report from East Turkestan is not all that it seems. Not only was the western media carefully guided through its stay in Urumchi, but reporters also faced detention if they ventured out themselves. Reporters from Radio Free Asia, Associated Press, Agence France-Presse [xix], and TV Tokyo [xx] were expelled or detained in the region because the authorities felt that they could not manage them sufficiently. Journalists who have reported a version of events which has strayed from the official path have received death threats [xxi] from Han Chinese nationalists.
In the wake of the unrest, internet and wireless communications went down [xxii] in Urumchi, and in the region. This was for a very good reason – to prevent an Iranian style spread of news from citizen journalists.
The Chinese authorities’ deep fear that that a different version of events will emerge from the one reported in the official media has spread to a threat issued to the legal community. According to the Congressional-Executive Commission on China [xxiii] (CECC), the Beijing Municipal Judicial Bureau [xxiv] “issued a notice on its Web site on July 8 calling on justice bureaus, the municipal lawyers association, and law offices in Beijing to ‘exercise caution’ in representing cases related to events” in East Turkestan.
The Chinese reporting on the Urumchi unrest has also not given any prominence to the involvement of key government officials in exacerbating disharmony between Han Chinese and Uyghurs.
Urumchi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, at a press conference [xxv] on July 8, stated that executions would be used to deal with protestors. The well-documented lack of transparency in the Chinese judicial system, especially for Uyghurs, coupled with the state-sanctioned threats towards lawyers who may represent protestors, illustrates that these executions, when they do take place, are political.
However, Xinhua did find it reasonable to report [xxvi] Li Zhi’s inflammatory chanting of “Down with Rebiya”, at the scene of the unrest, further fanning the flames of Han Chinese nationalism and dividing Uyghurs and Han Chinese. Indeed, official comments have taken on an even more hyperbolic nature, as the China Daily charges [xxvii] that the Urumchi unrest can be linked to Al-Qaeda.
Since the Urumchi unrest, the Chinese government has made a number of high profile attacks on freedom of speech in western countries to suffocate Uyghurs in exile.
On July 8, I published an op-ed [xxviii] in the Wall Street Journal. I commend the Wall Street Journal’s decision to publish the piece due to the disgraceful nature of some of the remarks left on its comments section by Han Chinese nationalist “netizens”. The remarks not only attacked the newspaper, calling for a boycott of the publication, but also a number of distressing personal comments were made about myself. Xinhua, in a July 13 report [xxix], went so far as to congratulate those people who had left these abusive ultra-nationalist comments.
Rightfully so, if free speech is to be respected, the Wall Street Journal published a letter [xxx] from Wang Baodong, the spokesman for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, D.C., on July 15. However, Mr. Wang used his opportunity to chastise the western media for its exercise of freedom of speech by stating that “[t]he Chinese government and people are very much displeased with the Journal's decision to publish Rebiya Kadeer's…op-ed”.
The attack on freedom of speech in the western media was also taken to Australia. The cultural attaché at the Chinese consulate in Melbourne, Chen Chunmei, urged [xxxi] organizers of the Melbourne International Film Festival to withdraw a film about my advocacy work. The festival organizers dismissed the pressure.
Naturally, what is missing from the Chinese official media’s reporting of the Urumchi unrest is the larger picture of repression of Uyghurs in China. This repression includes the forced transfer [xxxii] of young Uyghur women to Chinese sweatshops; the demolition [xxxiii] of Uyghur cultural heritage in Kashgar; a monolingual [xxxiv] language-planning policy; discriminatory [xxxv] hiring practices; torture and execution [xxxvi] on political charges; and curbs [xxxvii] on freedom of religion.
The six decades-long repression of Uyghurs by the Chinese government is the true cause of the unrest in Urumchi.
At this point in the East Turkestan issue, I seek an independent and international investigation into the Shaoguan killings and into the Urumchi unrest. Let the world understand the real events. The streets of cities in East Turkestan are littered with closed-circuit television. The tapes from cameras on the streets of Urumchi during the unrest should be made freely available to western journalists. If the truth were to emerge, this would surely contribute to a path of dialogue between Han Chinese and Uyghur based on equality and trust.
I also urge the Chinese government to allow journalists access to East Turkestan and Uyghurs without any conditions. It is well-known that Uyghurs who speak to western journalists often disappear. No one knows the whereabouts of Dilkex Tiliwaldi, a Uyghur who disappeared after speaking to a PBS journalist several years ago.
This access to East Turkestan will be critical in the coming days as looming executions of Uyghurs on political charges come ever nearer (see CECC’s Authorities Pledge Crackdown Following Xinjiang Demonstration and Clashes [xxxviii]). We fear that a number of Uyghurs are going to be executed unnoticed by the world. In order to prevent such state-sanctioned killing we require the eyes of the world’s media and the world’s governments to remain on East Turkestan and to speak out against a further abuse of the Uyghur people’s human rights.
My last appeal is to western journalists. Please consider carefully the information you receive from the official Chinese media. I understand that the Chinese government’s management of information makes it difficult for you to produce work under tight deadlines, but please consider the source of the information, the Chinese government, and the political motives that drive its output of news.
Thank you.
For immediate release
July 20, 2009, 5:30 pm EST
Contact: Uyghur American Association +1 (202) 349 1496
From:http://www.chinafreepress.org/publish/Othernews/Unrest_in_East_Turkestan_What_China_is_Not_Telling_the_Media.shtml
An ADTION.:http://www.obiv.org.tr/2005/avrasya/hkok.pdf
Exile Brings Voice to Uighur Movement
After ethnic unrest erupted in western China earlier this month and left scores of people dead, the Chinese government responded by implicating a Uighur woman living in exile in the United States and her group for inciting the disturbance.
In a matter of weeks, the profile of Rebiya Kadeer, head of the World Uyghur Congress, has been raised from relative obscurity into a target of Chinese government attacks and a global voice for Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim group of about nine million people.
Speaking in her native Uighur tongue, she gave her group's version of events at a recent reporters' roundtable in Washington, D.C., the events of July 5 when Chinese government forces tried to disperse Uighur rioters in Xinjiang province. Kadeer says her account came from people in Xinjiang at the time of the unrest.
Demonstrations had reportedly begun peacefully to demand action for two Muslim Uighurs killed in June during a fight with Han Chinese coworkers at a factory in southern China. It later became violent, exposing long-standing tensions between the two ethnic groups.
According to Kadeer, her contacts told her that Chinese authorities waited until night, darkened the streetlights and fired shots into the crowd of Uighur demonstrators. The government blocked Internet and cell phone capabilities across the provincial capital of Urumqi, slowing communication, she said.
"After the forces began to beat these Uighurs, provoking them with dogs and other things, more and more people began to protest against the brutality," she added.
Listen to her description, told through a translator, here:
But the Chinese government has a different take on how events unfolded, saying the June 26 fight at the factory was an ordinary public dispute and was handled properly. "The World Uyghur Congress, an overseas East Turkestan organization, used that incident to vilify China's ethnic and religious policies in an attempt to create publicity and stir up trouble," the government said.
Read the Chinese government's full statement here.
Kadeer is president of both the World Uyghur Congress, an international network of exiled Uighur groups, and the D.C.-based Uyghur American Association. She moved to the United Statesin 2005 after being imprisoned in China for six years on charges of leaking state secrets.
One exile's account of events in a remote part of China would generally not hold sway in the international media, but the circumstances surrounding the July 5 events and the Chinese government naming her organization as the cause has brought Kadeer's view to the forefront of the discussion.
"The Uighurs have never had a spokesperson," said Dru Gladney, president of the Pacific Basin Institute at Pomona College. "She has done more for the movement than any one person ever has."
But Chinese authorities say her role lacks substance. "We believe it is the Chinese government and the local government in Xinjiang autonomous region that are the legitimate representatives of the Uighur people," said Chinese Embassy spokesman Wang Baodong. "We believe that Rebiya Kadeer is an ethnic separatist who is bent on separating Xinjiang autonomous region from China and we hope that the American people see her true nature."
Wang said Kadeer's involvement in events in Xinjiang -- coordinated from her Washington offices -- led Chinese authorities, citing records of subversive phone conversations and meetings, to finger Kadeer as the one responsible for inciting the unrest. Kadeer denies the government's allegations that she played a role in organizing any violent events.
Gladney says the fact that the government specifically condemned Kadeer as the mastermind points to her prominence within the Uighur movement. "This is the first time they've ever done something like this," he said of the effort to single out a specific instigator.
The Chinese government put the July 5 death toll at 192 and said about a third were Uighurs. Authorities said police were attempting to break up the protests, which sprang from the killing of the two Uighur factory workers, when the demonstrators began rampaging through the capital, attacking members of the Han Chinese majority. But while the central government has a robust media mechanism that is charged with delivering the state's message, the Uighurs generally lack a platform to tell their side of the story both in and outside China.
At 62, Kadeer has been a prominent Uighur leader for years. After establishing a chain of businesses that ranged from restaurants to trade companies, the former laundress ranked among the wealthiest people in China.
"People adored and respected her for her achievement ... when all she had to start with was washing peoples' clothing," said her daughter, Kekenus Sidik, 19, a Georgetown University student. "I believe she could've just as easily continued in such a way and perhaps today we would all be vacationing on some island. But she did not."
At the peak of her commercial success, Kadeer was appointed to a position in China's national consultative bodies. But as she continued to work to further the Uighur cause, her relationship with the government soured, leading to the confiscation of her properties, imprisonment and subsequent exile to the United States. Her family also is active in the Uighur movement; some of her 11 children work with her in Washington and two of her sons are currently imprisoned in China for their activities with the movement.
For her part, Kadeer said her background strengthens her bond with the people she works to help: "All the Uighurs are the same, they all suffered, one way or the other."
"Uighurs need an eloquent spokesperson," said Gardner Bovingdon, an Indiana University political scientist who specializes on Xinjiang province. Kadeer "is unusually capable of delivering a powerful message about political developments there in a way that is immediate and moving and ... she has the capacity to make people feel the situation has become unbearable and we need to take action."
While her personal connection to the Uighur plight solidifies her status as a spokesperson, her personal ties to the storyline have also called into question the reliability of some of her statements.
For example, questions about her credibility arose last week following an Al Jazeera television interview in which she held up a photograph that she purported to show cordons of Chinese security forces on the streets of Urumqi facing down Uighur demonstrators on July 5. It was later found that the photo was of an unrelated incident that had taken place weeks earlier in Hubei province.
"It was an honest mistake," Kadeer said through a translator at a U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom event on July 15. Kadeer said the photo was chosen from hundreds she had received showing the Urumqi protests because it was a clearer image than the rest, and still illustrated the government's treatment of the Chinese.
However, Kadeer, who often tops off her neatly pressed suits and gray, coiffed waist-length braids with the traditional Uighur three-point cap, acknowledges that details about the chain of events since July 5 is vague at best. When she spoke at the media gathering, her statements were peppered with lines such as "we're not sure" and sentences tagged with "we cannot verify."
When asked whether the Chinese government is concerned that by singling out Kadeer as the instigator of the uprising has in fact raised her profile and given leverage to her message, Wang claims that she has an ulterior motive. "She's been trying to make use of the democratic institutions in this country [the United States] to catch the attention of the media," he said.
Kadeer said it is futile for the government to attempt to silence her. "The international community should know the lies, then we can rebut the lies and change the policies," she said.
From: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/asia/july-dec09/uighur_07-27.html
After ethnic unrest erupted in western China earlier this month and left scores of people dead, the Chinese government responded by implicating a Uighur woman living in exile in the United States and her group for inciting the disturbance.
In a matter of weeks, the profile of Rebiya Kadeer, head of the World Uyghur Congress, has been raised from relative obscurity into a target of Chinese government attacks and a global voice for Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim group of about nine million people.
Speaking in her native Uighur tongue, she gave her group's version of events at a recent reporters' roundtable in Washington, D.C., the events of July 5 when Chinese government forces tried to disperse Uighur rioters in Xinjiang province. Kadeer says her account came from people in Xinjiang at the time of the unrest.
Demonstrations had reportedly begun peacefully to demand action for two Muslim Uighurs killed in June during a fight with Han Chinese coworkers at a factory in southern China. It later became violent, exposing long-standing tensions between the two ethnic groups.
According to Kadeer, her contacts told her that Chinese authorities waited until night, darkened the streetlights and fired shots into the crowd of Uighur demonstrators. The government blocked Internet and cell phone capabilities across the provincial capital of Urumqi, slowing communication, she said.
"After the forces began to beat these Uighurs, provoking them with dogs and other things, more and more people began to protest against the brutality," she added.
Listen to her description, told through a translator, here:
But the Chinese government has a different take on how events unfolded, saying the June 26 fight at the factory was an ordinary public dispute and was handled properly. "The World Uyghur Congress, an overseas East Turkestan organization, used that incident to vilify China's ethnic and religious policies in an attempt to create publicity and stir up trouble," the government said.
Read the Chinese government's full statement here.
Kadeer is president of both the World Uyghur Congress, an international network of exiled Uighur groups, and the D.C.-based Uyghur American Association. She moved to the United Statesin 2005 after being imprisoned in China for six years on charges of leaking state secrets.
One exile's account of events in a remote part of China would generally not hold sway in the international media, but the circumstances surrounding the July 5 events and the Chinese government naming her organization as the cause has brought Kadeer's view to the forefront of the discussion.
"The Uighurs have never had a spokesperson," said Dru Gladney, president of the Pacific Basin Institute at Pomona College. "She has done more for the movement than any one person ever has."
But Chinese authorities say her role lacks substance. "We believe it is the Chinese government and the local government in Xinjiang autonomous region that are the legitimate representatives of the Uighur people," said Chinese Embassy spokesman Wang Baodong. "We believe that Rebiya Kadeer is an ethnic separatist who is bent on separating Xinjiang autonomous region from China and we hope that the American people see her true nature."
Wang said Kadeer's involvement in events in Xinjiang -- coordinated from her Washington offices -- led Chinese authorities, citing records of subversive phone conversations and meetings, to finger Kadeer as the one responsible for inciting the unrest. Kadeer denies the government's allegations that she played a role in organizing any violent events.
Gladney says the fact that the government specifically condemned Kadeer as the mastermind points to her prominence within the Uighur movement. "This is the first time they've ever done something like this," he said of the effort to single out a specific instigator.
The Chinese government put the July 5 death toll at 192 and said about a third were Uighurs. Authorities said police were attempting to break up the protests, which sprang from the killing of the two Uighur factory workers, when the demonstrators began rampaging through the capital, attacking members of the Han Chinese majority. But while the central government has a robust media mechanism that is charged with delivering the state's message, the Uighurs generally lack a platform to tell their side of the story both in and outside China.
At 62, Kadeer has been a prominent Uighur leader for years. After establishing a chain of businesses that ranged from restaurants to trade companies, the former laundress ranked among the wealthiest people in China.
"People adored and respected her for her achievement ... when all she had to start with was washing peoples' clothing," said her daughter, Kekenus Sidik, 19, a Georgetown University student. "I believe she could've just as easily continued in such a way and perhaps today we would all be vacationing on some island. But she did not."
At the peak of her commercial success, Kadeer was appointed to a position in China's national consultative bodies. But as she continued to work to further the Uighur cause, her relationship with the government soured, leading to the confiscation of her properties, imprisonment and subsequent exile to the United States. Her family also is active in the Uighur movement; some of her 11 children work with her in Washington and two of her sons are currently imprisoned in China for their activities with the movement.
For her part, Kadeer said her background strengthens her bond with the people she works to help: "All the Uighurs are the same, they all suffered, one way or the other."
"Uighurs need an eloquent spokesperson," said Gardner Bovingdon, an Indiana University political scientist who specializes on Xinjiang province. Kadeer "is unusually capable of delivering a powerful message about political developments there in a way that is immediate and moving and ... she has the capacity to make people feel the situation has become unbearable and we need to take action."
While her personal connection to the Uighur plight solidifies her status as a spokesperson, her personal ties to the storyline have also called into question the reliability of some of her statements.
For example, questions about her credibility arose last week following an Al Jazeera television interview in which she held up a photograph that she purported to show cordons of Chinese security forces on the streets of Urumqi facing down Uighur demonstrators on July 5. It was later found that the photo was of an unrelated incident that had taken place weeks earlier in Hubei province.
"It was an honest mistake," Kadeer said through a translator at a U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom event on July 15. Kadeer said the photo was chosen from hundreds she had received showing the Urumqi protests because it was a clearer image than the rest, and still illustrated the government's treatment of the Chinese.
However, Kadeer, who often tops off her neatly pressed suits and gray, coiffed waist-length braids with the traditional Uighur three-point cap, acknowledges that details about the chain of events since July 5 is vague at best. When she spoke at the media gathering, her statements were peppered with lines such as "we're not sure" and sentences tagged with "we cannot verify."
When asked whether the Chinese government is concerned that by singling out Kadeer as the instigator of the uprising has in fact raised her profile and given leverage to her message, Wang claims that she has an ulterior motive. "She's been trying to make use of the democratic institutions in this country [the United States] to catch the attention of the media," he said.
Kadeer said it is futile for the government to attempt to silence her. "The international community should know the lies, then we can rebut the lies and change the policies," she said.
From: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/asia/july-dec09/uighur_07-27.html
FREE EAST TURKESTAN
By Roland Watson
July 27, 2009
(Note: We recommend the history of China given in the Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party.)
The Uyghur people in East Turkestan are restless. Throughout history, Chinese emperors and warlords has repeatedly invaded their land, only to be pushed back. In the modern era, China took control in the late 19th century. East Turkestan was renamed the "New Territory." Excepting two short periods when they again won their freedom, the Uyghur people have been under increasingly restrictive dictatorial rule ever since. Since 1949, they have been under the boot of the Communist Party of China (CCP).
As the name of their homeland implies, the Uyghur are a Turkic people. They share ethnic and language characteristics with similar peoples across Central Asia all the way to Turkey itself. But, whereas these other peoples now have their own nations, the Uyghurs, because they were conquered by the Chinese, do not. East Turkestan is a colony of China.
The CCP's policy has been to dilute the Uyghur population in East Turkestan and hence their argument that it is their land. Uyghurs have been sent to China as factory workers, and Han Chinese moved in. In both cases, the Uyghurs have been the victims of discrimination. In China, Uyghur workers must slave away under terrible labor conditions. In East Turkestan, they are denied good jobs, government posts, the right to be educated in their own language, and to carry on their cultural traditions.
A basic question is if the Chinese conquest of the Uyghur constitutes genocide. Historically, it was a land grab, no different from innumerable such conquests over the ages. In the modern context, the CCP has realized that East Turkestan is also valuable for it oil and mineral resources, its barren sections - which were used for China's atomic tests and now its space program, etc. The CCP is loathe to return the conquered territory, to prevent the loss of this plunder.
According to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
"genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."
It is difficult to argue that the CCP's treatment constitutes genocide, although it is guilty to some degree of the first four conditions. Rather, what the communists are doing in East Turkestan is equivalent to their actions in Tibet, which the Dalai Lama has described as Cultural Genocide. The Uyghurs, like the Tibetans, may survive, but their culture will not.
This year the CCP has been destroying the Old Quarter of Kashgar, one of the most important stopping points on the ancient Silk Road. The Party says that this is because of the risk to the Quarter from earthquakes, even though it has survived for thousands of years. The destruction of Old Kashgar is a cultural atrocity no less profound that the destruction in Afghanistan of the Bamiyan Buddhas. And, it is being accompanied by the forced relocation of 220,000 Uyghur people. The real reasons for the destruction are simple: cultural genocide combined with armed robbery of Uyghur property.
The Chinese say that the Uyghurs are ungrateful for "development." This development is really "theft."
The latest unrest in East Turkestan - the Uyghurs have protested numerous times in recent decades, only to be met with CCP massacres - followed the killing of Uyghur laborers in China. Some 3,000 Uyghurs protested peacefully in East Turkestan's capital, Urumqi, (videos of the march are widely available) only to be shot by CCP "security forces" when night fell (yet another massacre). The Uyghurs fled and some of the protesters turned their anger on Chinese immigrants. The Chinese then retaliated.
As also occurred with the Tiananmen Square massacre twenty years ago, the CCP has yet to give a truthful accounting of the events of the unrest and of the numbers of Uyghurs and Chinese who died. Instead, the CCP blamed the Uyghurs for everything, which is the classic propaganda strategy of "blaming the victim." Rapists blame the women who they rape, and the CCP blames everyone. (The Party never accepts any responsibility itself.) The actions of the Uyghur groups that attacked the Chinese were reprehensible, but as with all cases where both sides in a conflict commit atrocities, it is essential to recall how the problem began. The Uyghurs are upset because they were invaded by the Chinese. This began a more than one hundred year pattern of increasingly severe repression. It is the Chinese - since 1949 the CCP - that bears all the blame for the problems in East Turkestan.
The Chinese people have been conditioned by the CCP to view the Uyghurs as backward, if not savages. They are the enemy. When Chinese police confront protesters in China, they make arrests. With Uyghurs, they commit cold-blooded murder. Because of the conditioning, the Chinese people accept such extreme prejudice as completely justifiable.
This is consistent with the unprecedented brainwashing that has been perpetrated by the CCP on the people of China since the Party was formed. (The term "brainwashing" was coined to describe CCP "thought-reform" torture techniques.)
The CCP is based on the ideology of "struggle," specifically, class struggle against "class enemies." The people must fight and cleanse wayward social elements (the "black" classes) to establish a utopian state. The real goal of never-ending struggle, though, is (1) to justify the CCP's rule; (2) to purge elements within the Party and society at large that oppose its abuses; and (3) more generally to terrorize everyone through arbitrary persecution, and hence create the greatest possible conformity.
Starting under the leadership of Mao Zedong, the CCP blamed one group after another for China's perceived problems, and launched "movements" against them. There have been countless such movements. Their targets have included landowners and rich farmers in the countryside; capitalists in towns and cities; "reactionaries" and "counter-revolutionaries"; "rightists"; intellectuals (anyone well-educated); religious groups; etc.
(When the CCP targeted landowners and capitalists, including by banning private property, they effectively stole the entire nation of China, just as through invading East Turkestan and Tibet they stole these lands as well.)
Mao said that, "after chaos the world reaches peace, but in seven or eight years, the chaos needed to happen again." In other words, China required regular civil wars. In each such conflict, the CCP followed a 5%/95% formula. Five percent of the people were labeled class enemies, and who should be killed. The rest were designated "acceptable classes," and charged with doing the killing. This created a perpetual state of fear, which continues today, because you can never be certain that your class will remain acceptable.
Through this the CCP promoted the idea of "collective guilt." If you had an unacceptable class origin, you - and your entire family - were flawed, and fully deserving of capital punishment. Even the babies and the elderly in the black classes were killed.
The CCP, for six decades, has encouraged the Chinese people to kill each other. In the worst cases, such as during the Cultural Revolution, the murder became competitive, as a means to improve one's revolutionary standing.
This history has dehumanized the Chinese people. It has further caused Chinese society to be permeated by fear.
There have also been unspeakable atrocities. The use of public executions in some cases led to public displays of cannibalism, of the organs such as the heart and liver of the executed class enemies, and then to cannibalistic feasts. The last were even held in front - and with the participation - of children, many of whom became deranged.
Under CCP rule the Chinese people have suffered upwards of eighty million unnatural deaths, from murder, starvation, etc. The CCP's tyranny is without question the greatest crime ever perpetrated in human history, surpassing the crimes of Hitler and the Nazis, Imperial Japan, and Stalin.
This crime, or rather series of crimes, is also completely unpunished. The Chinese people, and the many other victims of the CCP, have yet to receive any justice.
Because of this, the CCP further is entirely unreformed. Its strategy has worked and it is still in power. While as mentioned people generally are no longer murdered publicly in China itself, millions have been unjustly sentenced to the Laogai (forced labor and reeducation camps), and where death is common. And, the enemy-creation movements continue, including against the students at Tiananmen; followers of the spiritual discipline, Falun Gong; the Tibetans; anyone who spoke up for human rights in the run-up to the Olympics: pro-democracy activists such as the signers of the Charter 08 document; and now the East Turkestanis.
For the Falun Gong, which the CCP despises because it promotes tradition and morality, the Party has killed a documented 3,900 practitioners, although the true number is many times this, because of the great number of practitioners who have simply "disappeared." Most of these murders involved torture, and of an extraordinarily wide variety (over 100 techniques have been identified), including beating of the genitals, electric shock, flaying of the skin and then being drenched with salt water, etc. Many women have been stripped naked and then thrown into cells with criminals to be gang-raped. And, once dead, the victims’ organs are stolen for transplantation.
In East Turkestan the CCP has launched a series of Strike Hard movements, against the so-called Three Evils of separatism, extremism and terrorism. Thousands of Uyghurs have been imprisoned, tortured and killed.
What is surprising about this history is that the Chinese people are for the most part ignorant of it. The CCP has the largest censorship and propaganda program in the world, including its Great Internet Firewall, which an army of technicians maintains (by blocking websites, censoring blogs, fabricating and disseminating lies, etc.). Moreover, the fear in China, even though it is now less publicly apparent, is still so strong under the surface that most people simply do not want to know.
The greatest recent development has been the international targeting of CCP propaganda at Chinese residents of other countries, the media, and foreign governments. For example, the propaganda has led to an explosion in ultra-nationalism, which was particularly evident with the harassment of Chinese CCP critics during the Beijing Olympics. (The height of all ironies is that the CCP fancies itself to be a new China Empire, and surely this is what Mao had in mind, even as he criticized, and destroyed the remnants of, former empires.) Similarly, many expatriate Chinese, particularly in the United States, have engaged in espionage on behalf of the Party back home.
Indeed, these developments raise an important question: What does it mean to be Chinese?
"Chinese" is a complex identity. You are Chinese, wherever you live in the world, if you are a member of the ethnic group. But, you are also Chinese if you are from China itself, even if you are a member of one of its other groups. Finally, in addition to ethnicity and nationality, there is a cultural identity as well, if you associate with and take pride in Chinese history and traditions. The CCP has destroyed traditional Chinese culture, and replaced it with Party culture. Further, an explicit goal of its propaganda campaign has been to get all ethnic Chinese worldwide to identify with this culture: with the new "Rising China," under the eternal leadership of the CCP.
The CCP is trying to create a global Chinese culture, where all ethnic Chinese people, wherever they may live, are loyal to the Communist Party.
The efficacy of CCP propaganda is also evident with other international parties, with the press and foreign governments, where the basic story line is that the CCP has been reformed, and that it is an acceptable partner in trade and diplomacy. These are lies as well, but for a variety of reasons they have achieved great traction.
For the press, and returning to East Turkestan, journalists have consistently reported the lies of the "State Media" about the events of early July, as if they were truth. They have presented the casualty count, and the breakdown between Uyghur and Chinese victims, as truth even though these figures are completely fabricated. One reason for this is that many journalists are sloppy, and accept the CCP's arguments and statistics as they are given. Another is that some journalists are willing to repeat the "party line," to preserve access.
It was extremely telling that during the unrest in Iran that followed the stolen election, most media qualified their reports by mentioning Iranian government restrictions on journalists and the Internet. Such disclaimers have been rare for coverage of East Turkestan.
Similarly, for foreign governments, China is now such an important economic factor that they appear willing to forgive the CCP virtually anything, if not work actively on its behalf. For East Turkestan, some neighboring states, notably Kazakhstan, have allied with the CCP even though the Kazaks are Turkic people as well (and with a long history of friendship with the Uyghurs). The Kazakh government recently signed a $10 billion deal with China. Identical relationships also exist with other members of the Shanghai Co-operation Organization, including East Turkestan's neighbors Kyrgystan and Tajikistan. And finally, Western partners including the United States and Europe have also been silent on East Turkestan, not only the current repression but the entire history of Communist Party domination.
The communists believed that they had history on their side: that their socialist utopia was inevitable. They were wrong. The real historical imperative lies with democracy.
Ultimately, the CCP will relinquish power and democracy in China will flourish. As part of this, China will decolonize.
While the Communist Party will oppose the loss of its colonies with all its might (just as the buyers of the art looted by the Nazis have done everything possible not to return the art to its original owners or heirs), China one day will break up. East Turkestan will be returned to the Uyghurs and also Tibet to the Tibetans and Southern Mongolia to the Southern Mongolians. Communism is a defeated ideology, as is dictatorship more generally in all its different forms. Human rights will prevail. A basic right at the group level is the right of self-determination. The Uyghurs, Tibetans and Southern Mongolians will secure this right.
The people, governments and media of the world should support this right. It will be much easier to attain if they do.
When China, finally, is freed from the grips of the CCP, the people of the country will be able to confront their past, and seek justice for the wrongs that they have suffered. But, this should extend not only to the specific atrocities of the communists, but more generally to China's imperial, authoritarian tradition, which the communists publicly rejected but in practice simply reinvented.
The entire history of China has been based on the ideal of the unconditional acceptance of authority. (This is known as the “philosopher-king” or "benevolent dictatorship." Plato argued that it was the best form of government.) When rulers are good, this approach works: The society is at peace. But blind acceptance of authority also opens oneself to the risk of power-mad tyrants. There were bad emperors in China in the past, but no one has ever rivaled the likes of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and now Hu Jintao. The bad emperors were overthrown, and some day - soon - the communists will be so as well. However, it is only through rejecting the underlying authoritarian tradition that has governed China for millennia, that the people of the country will ever achieve – and preserve – their freedom.
From: http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/eastturkestan.html
By Roland Watson
July 27, 2009
(Note: We recommend the history of China given in the Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party.)
The Uyghur people in East Turkestan are restless. Throughout history, Chinese emperors and warlords has repeatedly invaded their land, only to be pushed back. In the modern era, China took control in the late 19th century. East Turkestan was renamed the "New Territory." Excepting two short periods when they again won their freedom, the Uyghur people have been under increasingly restrictive dictatorial rule ever since. Since 1949, they have been under the boot of the Communist Party of China (CCP).
As the name of their homeland implies, the Uyghur are a Turkic people. They share ethnic and language characteristics with similar peoples across Central Asia all the way to Turkey itself. But, whereas these other peoples now have their own nations, the Uyghurs, because they were conquered by the Chinese, do not. East Turkestan is a colony of China.
The CCP's policy has been to dilute the Uyghur population in East Turkestan and hence their argument that it is their land. Uyghurs have been sent to China as factory workers, and Han Chinese moved in. In both cases, the Uyghurs have been the victims of discrimination. In China, Uyghur workers must slave away under terrible labor conditions. In East Turkestan, they are denied good jobs, government posts, the right to be educated in their own language, and to carry on their cultural traditions.
A basic question is if the Chinese conquest of the Uyghur constitutes genocide. Historically, it was a land grab, no different from innumerable such conquests over the ages. In the modern context, the CCP has realized that East Turkestan is also valuable for it oil and mineral resources, its barren sections - which were used for China's atomic tests and now its space program, etc. The CCP is loathe to return the conquered territory, to prevent the loss of this plunder.
According to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
"genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."
It is difficult to argue that the CCP's treatment constitutes genocide, although it is guilty to some degree of the first four conditions. Rather, what the communists are doing in East Turkestan is equivalent to their actions in Tibet, which the Dalai Lama has described as Cultural Genocide. The Uyghurs, like the Tibetans, may survive, but their culture will not.
This year the CCP has been destroying the Old Quarter of Kashgar, one of the most important stopping points on the ancient Silk Road. The Party says that this is because of the risk to the Quarter from earthquakes, even though it has survived for thousands of years. The destruction of Old Kashgar is a cultural atrocity no less profound that the destruction in Afghanistan of the Bamiyan Buddhas. And, it is being accompanied by the forced relocation of 220,000 Uyghur people. The real reasons for the destruction are simple: cultural genocide combined with armed robbery of Uyghur property.
The Chinese say that the Uyghurs are ungrateful for "development." This development is really "theft."
The latest unrest in East Turkestan - the Uyghurs have protested numerous times in recent decades, only to be met with CCP massacres - followed the killing of Uyghur laborers in China. Some 3,000 Uyghurs protested peacefully in East Turkestan's capital, Urumqi, (videos of the march are widely available) only to be shot by CCP "security forces" when night fell (yet another massacre). The Uyghurs fled and some of the protesters turned their anger on Chinese immigrants. The Chinese then retaliated.
As also occurred with the Tiananmen Square massacre twenty years ago, the CCP has yet to give a truthful accounting of the events of the unrest and of the numbers of Uyghurs and Chinese who died. Instead, the CCP blamed the Uyghurs for everything, which is the classic propaganda strategy of "blaming the victim." Rapists blame the women who they rape, and the CCP blames everyone. (The Party never accepts any responsibility itself.) The actions of the Uyghur groups that attacked the Chinese were reprehensible, but as with all cases where both sides in a conflict commit atrocities, it is essential to recall how the problem began. The Uyghurs are upset because they were invaded by the Chinese. This began a more than one hundred year pattern of increasingly severe repression. It is the Chinese - since 1949 the CCP - that bears all the blame for the problems in East Turkestan.
The Chinese people have been conditioned by the CCP to view the Uyghurs as backward, if not savages. They are the enemy. When Chinese police confront protesters in China, they make arrests. With Uyghurs, they commit cold-blooded murder. Because of the conditioning, the Chinese people accept such extreme prejudice as completely justifiable.
This is consistent with the unprecedented brainwashing that has been perpetrated by the CCP on the people of China since the Party was formed. (The term "brainwashing" was coined to describe CCP "thought-reform" torture techniques.)
The CCP is based on the ideology of "struggle," specifically, class struggle against "class enemies." The people must fight and cleanse wayward social elements (the "black" classes) to establish a utopian state. The real goal of never-ending struggle, though, is (1) to justify the CCP's rule; (2) to purge elements within the Party and society at large that oppose its abuses; and (3) more generally to terrorize everyone through arbitrary persecution, and hence create the greatest possible conformity.
Starting under the leadership of Mao Zedong, the CCP blamed one group after another for China's perceived problems, and launched "movements" against them. There have been countless such movements. Their targets have included landowners and rich farmers in the countryside; capitalists in towns and cities; "reactionaries" and "counter-revolutionaries"; "rightists"; intellectuals (anyone well-educated); religious groups; etc.
(When the CCP targeted landowners and capitalists, including by banning private property, they effectively stole the entire nation of China, just as through invading East Turkestan and Tibet they stole these lands as well.)
Mao said that, "after chaos the world reaches peace, but in seven or eight years, the chaos needed to happen again." In other words, China required regular civil wars. In each such conflict, the CCP followed a 5%/95% formula. Five percent of the people were labeled class enemies, and who should be killed. The rest were designated "acceptable classes," and charged with doing the killing. This created a perpetual state of fear, which continues today, because you can never be certain that your class will remain acceptable.
Through this the CCP promoted the idea of "collective guilt." If you had an unacceptable class origin, you - and your entire family - were flawed, and fully deserving of capital punishment. Even the babies and the elderly in the black classes were killed.
The CCP, for six decades, has encouraged the Chinese people to kill each other. In the worst cases, such as during the Cultural Revolution, the murder became competitive, as a means to improve one's revolutionary standing.
This history has dehumanized the Chinese people. It has further caused Chinese society to be permeated by fear.
There have also been unspeakable atrocities. The use of public executions in some cases led to public displays of cannibalism, of the organs such as the heart and liver of the executed class enemies, and then to cannibalistic feasts. The last were even held in front - and with the participation - of children, many of whom became deranged.
Under CCP rule the Chinese people have suffered upwards of eighty million unnatural deaths, from murder, starvation, etc. The CCP's tyranny is without question the greatest crime ever perpetrated in human history, surpassing the crimes of Hitler and the Nazis, Imperial Japan, and Stalin.
This crime, or rather series of crimes, is also completely unpunished. The Chinese people, and the many other victims of the CCP, have yet to receive any justice.
Because of this, the CCP further is entirely unreformed. Its strategy has worked and it is still in power. While as mentioned people generally are no longer murdered publicly in China itself, millions have been unjustly sentenced to the Laogai (forced labor and reeducation camps), and where death is common. And, the enemy-creation movements continue, including against the students at Tiananmen; followers of the spiritual discipline, Falun Gong; the Tibetans; anyone who spoke up for human rights in the run-up to the Olympics: pro-democracy activists such as the signers of the Charter 08 document; and now the East Turkestanis.
For the Falun Gong, which the CCP despises because it promotes tradition and morality, the Party has killed a documented 3,900 practitioners, although the true number is many times this, because of the great number of practitioners who have simply "disappeared." Most of these murders involved torture, and of an extraordinarily wide variety (over 100 techniques have been identified), including beating of the genitals, electric shock, flaying of the skin and then being drenched with salt water, etc. Many women have been stripped naked and then thrown into cells with criminals to be gang-raped. And, once dead, the victims’ organs are stolen for transplantation.
In East Turkestan the CCP has launched a series of Strike Hard movements, against the so-called Three Evils of separatism, extremism and terrorism. Thousands of Uyghurs have been imprisoned, tortured and killed.
What is surprising about this history is that the Chinese people are for the most part ignorant of it. The CCP has the largest censorship and propaganda program in the world, including its Great Internet Firewall, which an army of technicians maintains (by blocking websites, censoring blogs, fabricating and disseminating lies, etc.). Moreover, the fear in China, even though it is now less publicly apparent, is still so strong under the surface that most people simply do not want to know.
The greatest recent development has been the international targeting of CCP propaganda at Chinese residents of other countries, the media, and foreign governments. For example, the propaganda has led to an explosion in ultra-nationalism, which was particularly evident with the harassment of Chinese CCP critics during the Beijing Olympics. (The height of all ironies is that the CCP fancies itself to be a new China Empire, and surely this is what Mao had in mind, even as he criticized, and destroyed the remnants of, former empires.) Similarly, many expatriate Chinese, particularly in the United States, have engaged in espionage on behalf of the Party back home.
Indeed, these developments raise an important question: What does it mean to be Chinese?
"Chinese" is a complex identity. You are Chinese, wherever you live in the world, if you are a member of the ethnic group. But, you are also Chinese if you are from China itself, even if you are a member of one of its other groups. Finally, in addition to ethnicity and nationality, there is a cultural identity as well, if you associate with and take pride in Chinese history and traditions. The CCP has destroyed traditional Chinese culture, and replaced it with Party culture. Further, an explicit goal of its propaganda campaign has been to get all ethnic Chinese worldwide to identify with this culture: with the new "Rising China," under the eternal leadership of the CCP.
The CCP is trying to create a global Chinese culture, where all ethnic Chinese people, wherever they may live, are loyal to the Communist Party.
The efficacy of CCP propaganda is also evident with other international parties, with the press and foreign governments, where the basic story line is that the CCP has been reformed, and that it is an acceptable partner in trade and diplomacy. These are lies as well, but for a variety of reasons they have achieved great traction.
For the press, and returning to East Turkestan, journalists have consistently reported the lies of the "State Media" about the events of early July, as if they were truth. They have presented the casualty count, and the breakdown between Uyghur and Chinese victims, as truth even though these figures are completely fabricated. One reason for this is that many journalists are sloppy, and accept the CCP's arguments and statistics as they are given. Another is that some journalists are willing to repeat the "party line," to preserve access.
It was extremely telling that during the unrest in Iran that followed the stolen election, most media qualified their reports by mentioning Iranian government restrictions on journalists and the Internet. Such disclaimers have been rare for coverage of East Turkestan.
Similarly, for foreign governments, China is now such an important economic factor that they appear willing to forgive the CCP virtually anything, if not work actively on its behalf. For East Turkestan, some neighboring states, notably Kazakhstan, have allied with the CCP even though the Kazaks are Turkic people as well (and with a long history of friendship with the Uyghurs). The Kazakh government recently signed a $10 billion deal with China. Identical relationships also exist with other members of the Shanghai Co-operation Organization, including East Turkestan's neighbors Kyrgystan and Tajikistan. And finally, Western partners including the United States and Europe have also been silent on East Turkestan, not only the current repression but the entire history of Communist Party domination.
The communists believed that they had history on their side: that their socialist utopia was inevitable. They were wrong. The real historical imperative lies with democracy.
Ultimately, the CCP will relinquish power and democracy in China will flourish. As part of this, China will decolonize.
While the Communist Party will oppose the loss of its colonies with all its might (just as the buyers of the art looted by the Nazis have done everything possible not to return the art to its original owners or heirs), China one day will break up. East Turkestan will be returned to the Uyghurs and also Tibet to the Tibetans and Southern Mongolia to the Southern Mongolians. Communism is a defeated ideology, as is dictatorship more generally in all its different forms. Human rights will prevail. A basic right at the group level is the right of self-determination. The Uyghurs, Tibetans and Southern Mongolians will secure this right.
The people, governments and media of the world should support this right. It will be much easier to attain if they do.
When China, finally, is freed from the grips of the CCP, the people of the country will be able to confront their past, and seek justice for the wrongs that they have suffered. But, this should extend not only to the specific atrocities of the communists, but more generally to China's imperial, authoritarian tradition, which the communists publicly rejected but in practice simply reinvented.
The entire history of China has been based on the ideal of the unconditional acceptance of authority. (This is known as the “philosopher-king” or "benevolent dictatorship." Plato argued that it was the best form of government.) When rulers are good, this approach works: The society is at peace. But blind acceptance of authority also opens oneself to the risk of power-mad tyrants. There were bad emperors in China in the past, but no one has ever rivaled the likes of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and now Hu Jintao. The bad emperors were overthrown, and some day - soon - the communists will be so as well. However, it is only through rejecting the underlying authoritarian tradition that has governed China for millennia, that the people of the country will ever achieve – and preserve – their freedom.
From: http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/eastturkestan.html
Chinese government executes 196 Uighurs
(Archip)
Baku –APA. A Chinese court sentenced 196 Uighurs to death on July 18 accusing them in participation in the unrests, APA reports quoting Kanal D.
The court decision was immediately executed and all accused persons were shot dead. It is not clear where the execution took place and did the government hand over the bodies to their relatives or not? According to the official statistics, 184 people were killed last month in the unrests in Xinjiang-Uighur autonomous province of China last month, but unofficial figures showed more than 1000 people dead and nearly 2000 arrested. The Chinese officials didn’t rule out that the arrested people would be executed.
Menbe: http://en.apa.az/news.php?id=105228
(Archip)
Baku –APA. A Chinese court sentenced 196 Uighurs to death on July 18 accusing them in participation in the unrests, APA reports quoting Kanal D.
The court decision was immediately executed and all accused persons were shot dead. It is not clear where the execution took place and did the government hand over the bodies to their relatives or not? According to the official statistics, 184 people were killed last month in the unrests in Xinjiang-Uighur autonomous province of China last month, but unofficial figures showed more than 1000 people dead and nearly 2000 arrested. The Chinese officials didn’t rule out that the arrested people would be executed.
Menbe: http://en.apa.az/news.php?id=105228
China Stalls Reporters on Uighur Conflict
(Xinjiang Province, China) Here's an interesting note regarding the suppression of the press by the Chinese government during the recent bloody riots between the Uighurs and the Hans.
During the past week, at least five foreign reporters were detained by the authorities. These were two Associated Press reporters, one South China Morning Post report, one Spanish newspaper reporter and one Japanese reporter.
These reporters attempted to interview Uighurs who were afraid of being arrested or attacked violently. As of yesterday, the authorities are asking the reporter to re-register themselves. Those without permits will be forbidden to gather news; those who are approved will be accompanied by official workers.
Obviously, one is encouraged to be skeptical of any official news coming out of China.
From: http://mypetjawa.mu.nu/archives/198125.php
(Xinjiang Province, China) Here's an interesting note regarding the suppression of the press by the Chinese government during the recent bloody riots between the Uighurs and the Hans.
During the past week, at least five foreign reporters were detained by the authorities. These were two Associated Press reporters, one South China Morning Post report, one Spanish newspaper reporter and one Japanese reporter.
These reporters attempted to interview Uighurs who were afraid of being arrested or attacked violently. As of yesterday, the authorities are asking the reporter to re-register themselves. Those without permits will be forbidden to gather news; those who are approved will be accompanied by official workers.
Obviously, one is encouraged to be skeptical of any official news coming out of China.
From: http://mypetjawa.mu.nu/archives/198125.php
Xitay, Yaponiye Hökümitining Rabiye Qadir Xanimning Yaponiyige Kélishige Yol Qoyghanliqini Eyiblidi
Muxbirimiz Jüme
2009-07-27
Uyghur milliy herikiti yétekchisi rabiye qadir xanim yaponiyide muxbirlarni kütüwélish yighini ötküzüsh üchün bügün yaponiyige yolgha chiqqan idi. Xitay dairiliri bayanat élan qilip, yaponiye hökümitining rabiye qadir xanimning yaponiyige kélishige yol qoyghanliqini eyiblidi.
Xitay hökümiti rabiye qadir xanimni 5 - Iyul ürümchi namayishini pilanlighan we 200 ge yéqin ademning ölüshige seweb bolghan dep eyiblep kéliwatqan bolsimu, emma rabiye qadir xanim xitayning mezkur eyibleshlirini asassiz dep ret qilghan idi.
Roytérsta xewer qilinishiche, xitay tashqi ishlar ministirliqi tor bétide élan qilghan bayanatida, " biz yaponiye hökümitining xitay terepning tekrar we qetiy teleplirini nezerge ilmay, rabiyening yaponiyige kirip xitaygha qarshi bölgünchilik heriketliri élip bérishigha yol qoyghanliqidin tolimu narazi bolduq" dégen.
5 - Iyul ürümchi weqesidin kéyin, xitay hökümiti mezkur weqelerni rabiye qadir xanimgha dönggep, rabiye qadir xanimning mezkur weqening mahiyitini ashkarilash üchün gherb dunyasida élip bériwatqan siyasiy paaliyetlirige chek qoyushqa tiriship kéliwatqan idi.
5 - Iyul ürümchi weqesi heqqide yaponiyide ötküzülidighan muxbirlarni kütüwélish yighini 29 - Iyul charshenbe küni tokyoda élip bérilidu.
Menbe: http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/qisqa_xewerler/xitay-yapon-uyghur-munasiwiti-07272009164918.html?encoding=latin
Muxbirimiz Jüme
2009-07-27
Uyghur milliy herikiti yétekchisi rabiye qadir xanim yaponiyide muxbirlarni kütüwélish yighini ötküzüsh üchün bügün yaponiyige yolgha chiqqan idi. Xitay dairiliri bayanat élan qilip, yaponiye hökümitining rabiye qadir xanimning yaponiyige kélishige yol qoyghanliqini eyiblidi.
Xitay hökümiti rabiye qadir xanimni 5 - Iyul ürümchi namayishini pilanlighan we 200 ge yéqin ademning ölüshige seweb bolghan dep eyiblep kéliwatqan bolsimu, emma rabiye qadir xanim xitayning mezkur eyibleshlirini asassiz dep ret qilghan idi.
Roytérsta xewer qilinishiche, xitay tashqi ishlar ministirliqi tor bétide élan qilghan bayanatida, " biz yaponiye hökümitining xitay terepning tekrar we qetiy teleplirini nezerge ilmay, rabiyening yaponiyige kirip xitaygha qarshi bölgünchilik heriketliri élip bérishigha yol qoyghanliqidin tolimu narazi bolduq" dégen.
5 - Iyul ürümchi weqesidin kéyin, xitay hökümiti mezkur weqelerni rabiye qadir xanimgha dönggep, rabiye qadir xanimning mezkur weqening mahiyitini ashkarilash üchün gherb dunyasida élip bériwatqan siyasiy paaliyetlirige chek qoyushqa tiriship kéliwatqan idi.
5 - Iyul ürümchi weqesi heqqide yaponiyide ötküzülidighan muxbirlarni kütüwélish yighini 29 - Iyul charshenbe küni tokyoda élip bérilidu.
Menbe: http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/qisqa_xewerler/xitay-yapon-uyghur-munasiwiti-07272009164918.html?encoding=latin
Enqerede Uyghurlar Heqqide Dügilek Üstel Yighini
Muxbirimiz Erkin Tarim
2009-07-27
7 - Ayning 25 - Küni enqere bashkent uniwérsitéti istratégiye tetqiqat merkizi "sherqiy türkistan we uyghur türklirining ötmüshi we bügüni" mawzuluq dügilek üstel yighini chaqirdi.
7 - Ayning 25 - Küni enqere bashkent uniwérsitéti istratégiye tetqiqat merkizi chaqirghan "sherqiy türkistan we uyghur türklirining ötmüshi we bügüni" mawzuluq dügilek üstel yighinidin bir körünüsh.
Bu yighingha prof. Dr. Abdulqadir waroghlu riyasetchilik qildi. U sözligen échilish nutqida, bu yighinni échishtiki meqsetning türkiyining uyghur siyasitini belgilishige töhpe qoshushtin ibaret ikenlikini, yighinda déyilgen sözlerni retlep bir doklat teyyarlap mutexessislerning paydilinishigha sunilidighanliqini éytti.
Yighinda prof. Dr. Uyghur tazebay ependi, prof. Dr. Alimjan inayet ependi, prof. Dr. Sultan mexmut ependi, hajettepe uniwérsitéti oqutquchisi dotsént doktor erkin ekrem ependi, chanqaya uniwérsitéti oqutquchisi meryem hakim xanim we dunya uyghur qurultiyi muawin bashliqi séyit tümtürk ependiler söz qildi.
Yighin ikki bölümdin terkip tapqan bolup, birinchi bölümde uyghurlarning qisqiche tarixi, uyghur diyarining bügünki weziyiti, ürümchi weqesining kélip chiqish sewebliri we xitay hökümitining uyghurlargha élip bériwatqan siyasiti heqqide muzakire élip bérildi. Ikkinchi bölümde mutexessisler türkiyining uyghur siyasiti qandaq bolushi kérek? türkiyidiki ammiwi teshkilatlar uyghurlar üchün némilerni qilip bérishi kérek? dégenge oxshash témilar üstide toxtaldi.
Bu yighingha qatnashqan uyghur mutexessisler nuqtiliq halda türkiye bilen xitay otturisidiki munasiwette uyghur mesilisige alahide orun bérilishi kérekliki, uyghurlarning heq we hoquqini qoghdash üchün xitaygha bésim ishlitishi kérekliki heqqide toxtaldi.
Prof. Dr. Alimjan inayet ependi türkiyining xitay siyasitini tamamen özgertishi kéreklikini, türkiye tekitlep kelgen xitayning zémin pütünlükige hörmet qilimiz dégen sözini shertlik halda déyishi kéreklikini, yeni xitay uyghurlarning heq we hoquqini qoghdighan teqdirde zémin pütünlükige hörmet qilimiz déyishi kéreklikini otturigha qoydi.
Enqere bashkent uniwérsitétining türkiyidiki uyghur mutexessislerni chaqirip ötküzgen dügilek üstel yighinigha türkiye tashqi ishlar ministirliki mutexessisi, enqerediki herqaysi uniwérsitétlardin jemiyetshunas we xelqara munasiwetler mutexessisliri qatnashti.
Yuqiridiki awaz ulinishidin, bu heqtiki melumatimizning tepsilatini anglaysiler.
Menbe: http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/tepsili_xewer/dugulek-ustel-yighini-07272009192308.html?encoding=latin
Muxbirimiz Erkin Tarim
2009-07-27
7 - Ayning 25 - Küni enqere bashkent uniwérsitéti istratégiye tetqiqat merkizi "sherqiy türkistan we uyghur türklirining ötmüshi we bügüni" mawzuluq dügilek üstel yighini chaqirdi.
7 - Ayning 25 - Küni enqere bashkent uniwérsitéti istratégiye tetqiqat merkizi chaqirghan "sherqiy türkistan we uyghur türklirining ötmüshi we bügüni" mawzuluq dügilek üstel yighinidin bir körünüsh.
Bu yighingha prof. Dr. Abdulqadir waroghlu riyasetchilik qildi. U sözligen échilish nutqida, bu yighinni échishtiki meqsetning türkiyining uyghur siyasitini belgilishige töhpe qoshushtin ibaret ikenlikini, yighinda déyilgen sözlerni retlep bir doklat teyyarlap mutexessislerning paydilinishigha sunilidighanliqini éytti.
Yighinda prof. Dr. Uyghur tazebay ependi, prof. Dr. Alimjan inayet ependi, prof. Dr. Sultan mexmut ependi, hajettepe uniwérsitéti oqutquchisi dotsént doktor erkin ekrem ependi, chanqaya uniwérsitéti oqutquchisi meryem hakim xanim we dunya uyghur qurultiyi muawin bashliqi séyit tümtürk ependiler söz qildi.
Yighin ikki bölümdin terkip tapqan bolup, birinchi bölümde uyghurlarning qisqiche tarixi, uyghur diyarining bügünki weziyiti, ürümchi weqesining kélip chiqish sewebliri we xitay hökümitining uyghurlargha élip bériwatqan siyasiti heqqide muzakire élip bérildi. Ikkinchi bölümde mutexessisler türkiyining uyghur siyasiti qandaq bolushi kérek? türkiyidiki ammiwi teshkilatlar uyghurlar üchün némilerni qilip bérishi kérek? dégenge oxshash témilar üstide toxtaldi.
Bu yighingha qatnashqan uyghur mutexessisler nuqtiliq halda türkiye bilen xitay otturisidiki munasiwette uyghur mesilisige alahide orun bérilishi kérekliki, uyghurlarning heq we hoquqini qoghdash üchün xitaygha bésim ishlitishi kérekliki heqqide toxtaldi.
Prof. Dr. Alimjan inayet ependi türkiyining xitay siyasitini tamamen özgertishi kéreklikini, türkiye tekitlep kelgen xitayning zémin pütünlükige hörmet qilimiz dégen sözini shertlik halda déyishi kéreklikini, yeni xitay uyghurlarning heq we hoquqini qoghdighan teqdirde zémin pütünlükige hörmet qilimiz déyishi kéreklikini otturigha qoydi.
Enqere bashkent uniwérsitétining türkiyidiki uyghur mutexessislerni chaqirip ötküzgen dügilek üstel yighinigha türkiye tashqi ishlar ministirliki mutexessisi, enqerediki herqaysi uniwérsitétlardin jemiyetshunas we xelqara munasiwetler mutexessisliri qatnashti.
Yuqiridiki awaz ulinishidin, bu heqtiki melumatimizning tepsilatini anglaysiler.
Menbe: http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/tepsili_xewer/dugulek-ustel-yighini-07272009192308.html?encoding=latin
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