The Uyghuristan (Xinjiang) Procedure


-Beijing’s ‘New Frontier’ is ground zero for the organ harvesting of political prisoners

Ethan Gutmann

December 5, 2011, Vol. 17, No. 12



To figure out what is taking place today in a closed society such as northwest China, sometimes you have to go back a decade, sometimes more.



One clue might be found on a hilltop near southern Guangzhou, on a partly cloudy autumn day in 1991. A small medical team and a young doctor starting a practice in internal medicine had driven up from Sun Yat-sen Medical University in a van modified for surgery. Pulling in on bulldozed earth, they found a small fleet of similar vehicles—clean, white, with smoked glass windows and prominent red crosses on the side. The police had ordered the medical team to stay inside for their safety. Indeed, the view from the side window of lines of ditches—some filled in, others freshly dug—suggested that the hilltop had served as a killing ground for years.



Thirty-six scheduled executions would translate into 72 kidneys and corneas divided among the regional hospitals. Every van contained surgeons who could work fast: 15-30 minutes to extract. Drive back to the hospital. Transplant within six hours. Nothing fancy or experimental; execution would probably ruin the heart.



With the acceleration of Chinese medical expertise over the last decade, organs once considered scraps no longer went to waste. It wasn’t public knowledge exactly, but Chinese medical schools taught that many otherwise wicked criminals volunteered their organs as a final penance.



Right after the first shots the van door was thrust open and two men with white surgical coats thrown over their uniforms carried a body in, the head and feet still twitching slightly. The young doctor noted that the wound was on the right side of the chest as he had expected. When body #3 was laid down, he went to work.



Male, 40-ish, Han Chinese. While the other retail organs in the van were slated for the profitable foreigner market, the doctor had seen the paperwork indicating this kidney was tissue-matched for transplant into a 50-year-old Chinese man. Without the transplant, that man would die. With it, the same man would rise miraculously from his hospital bed and go on to have a normal life for 25 years or so. By 2016, given all the anti-tissue-rejection drug advances in China, they could theoretically replace the liver, lungs, or heart—maybe buy that man another 10 to 15 years.



Body #3 had no special characteristics save an angry purple line on the neck. The doctor recognized the forensics. Sometimes the police would twist a wire around a prisoner’s throat to prevent him from speaking up in court. The doctor thought it through methodically. Maybe the police didn’t want this prisoner to talk because he had been a deranged killer, a thug, or mentally unstable. After all, the Chinese penal system was a daily sausage grinder, executing hardcore criminals on a massive scale. Yes, the young doctor knew the harvesting was wrong. Whatever crime had been committed, it would be nice if the prisoner’s body were allowed to rest forever. Yet was his surgical task that different from an obstetrician’s? Harvesting was rebirth, harvesting was life, as revolutionary an advance as antibiotics or steroids. Or maybe, he thought, they didn’t want this man to talk because he was a political prisoner.



Nineteen years later, in a secure European location, the doctor laid out the puzzle. He asked that I keep his identity a secret. Chinese medical authorities admit that the lion’s share of transplant organs originate with executions, but no mainland Chinese doctors, even in exile, will normally speak of performing such surgery. To do so would remind international medical authorities of an issue they would rather avoid—not China’s soaring execution rate or the exploitation of criminal organs, but rather the systematic elimination of China’s religious and political prisoners. Yet even if this doctor feared consequences to his family and his career, he did not fear embarrassing China, for he was born into an indigenous minority group, the Uighurs.



Every Uighur witness I approached over the course of two years—police, medical, and security personnel scattered across two continents—related compartmentalized fragments of information to me, often through halting translation. They acknowledged the risk to their careers, their families, and, in several cases, their lives. Their testimony reveals not just a procedure evolving to meet the lucrative medical demand for living organs, but the genesis of a wider atrocity.



Behind closed doors, the Uighurs call their vast region in China’s northwest corner (bordering on India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Mongolia) East Turkestan. The Uighurs are ethnically Turkic, not East Asian. They are Muslims with a smattering of Christians, and their language is more readily understood in Tashkent than in Beijing. By contrast, Beijing’s name for the so-called Autonomous Region, Xinjiang, literally translates as “new frontier.” When Mao invaded in 1949, Han Chinese constituted only 7 percent of the regional population. Following the flood of Communist party administrators, soldiers, shopkeepers, and construction corps, Han Chinese now constitute the majority. The party calculates that Xinjiang will be its top oil and natural gas production center by the end of this century.



To protect this investment, Beijing traditionally depicted all Uighur nationalists—violent rebels and non-violent activists alike—as CIA proxies. Shortly after 9/11, that conspiracy theory was tossed down the memory hole. Suddenly China was, and always has been, at war with al Qaeda-led Uighur terrorists. No matter how transparently opportunistic the switch, the American intelligence community saw an opening for Chinese cooperation in the war on terror, and signaled their acquiescence by allowing Chinese state security personnel into Guantánamo to interrogate Uighur detainees.



While it is difficult to know the strength of the claims of the detainees’ actual connections to al Qaeda, the basic facts are these: During the 1990s, when the Chinese drove the Uighur rebel training camps from neighboring countries such as Kazakhstan and Pakistan, some Uighurs fled to Afghanistan where a portion became Taliban soldiers. And yet, if the Chinese government claims that the Uighurs constitute their own Islamic fundamentalist problem, the fact is that I’ve never met a Uighur woman who won’t shake hands or a man who won’t have a drink with me. Nor does my Jewish-sounding name appear to make anyone flinch. In one of those vino veritas sessions, I asked a local Uighur leader if he was able to get any sort of assistance from groups such as the Islamic Human Rights Commission (where, as I found during a brief visit to their London offices, veiled women flinch from an extended male hand, drinks are forbidden, and my Jewish surname is a very big deal indeed). “Useless!” he snorted, returning to the vodka bottle.



So if Washington’s goal is to promote a reformed China, then taking Beijing’s word for who is a terrorist is to play into the party’s hands.



Xinjiang has long served as the party’s illicit laboratory: from the atmospheric nuclear testing in Lop Nur in the mid-sixties (resulting in a significant rise in cancers in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital) to the more recent creation in the Tarim Desert of what could well be the world’s largest labor camp, estimated to hold 50,000 Uighurs, hardcore criminals, and practitioners of Falun Gong. And when it comes to the first organ harvesting of political prisoners, Xinjiang was ground zero.



In 1989, not long after Nijat Abdureyimu turned 20, he graduated from Xinjiang Police School and was assigned to a special police force, Regiment No. 1 of the Urumqi Public Security Bureau. As one of the first Uighurs in a Chinese unit that specialized in “social security”—essentially squelching threats to the party—Nijat was employed as the good cop in Uighur interrogations, particularly the high-profile cases. I first met Nijat—thin, depressed, and watchful—in a crowded refugee camp on the outskirts of Rome.



Nijat explained to me that he was well aware that his Chinese colleagues kept him under constant surveillance. But Nijat presented the image they liked: the little brother with the guileless smile. By 1994 he had penetrated all of the government’s secret bastions: the detention center, its interrogation rooms, and the killing grounds. Along the way, he had witnessed his fair share of torture, executions, even a rape. So his curiosity was in the nature of professional interest when he questioned one of the Chinese cops who came back from an execution shaking his head. According to his colleague, it had been a normal procedure—the unwanted bodies kicked into a trench, the useful corpses hoisted into the harvesting vans, but then he heard something coming from a van, like a man screaming.



“Like someone was still alive?” Nijat remembers asking. “What kind of screams?”



“Like from hell.”



Nijat shrugged. The regiment had more than enough sloppiness to go around.



A few months later, three death row prisoners were being transported from detention to execution. Nijat had become friendly with one in particular, a very young man. As Nijat walked alongside, the young man turned to Nijat with eyes like saucers: “Why did you inject me?”



Nijat hadn’t injected him; the medical director had. But the director and some legal officials were watching the exchange, so Nijat lied smoothly: “It’s so you won’t feel much pain when they shoot you.”



The young man smiled faintly, and Nijat, sensing that he would never quite forget that look, waited until the execution was over to ask the medical director: “Why did you inject him?”



“Nijat, if you can transfer to some other section, then go as soon as possible.”



“What do you mean? Doctor, exactly what kind of medicine did you inject him with?”



“Nijat, do you have any beliefs?”



“Yes. Do you?”



“It was an anticoagulant, Nijat. And maybe we are all going to hell.”



I first met Enver Tohti—a soft-spoken, husky, Buddha of a man—through the informal Uighur network of London. I confess that my first impression was that he was just another emigré living in public housing. But Enver had a secret.



His story began on a Tuesday in June 1995, when he was a general surgeon in an Urumqi hospital. Enver recalled an unusual conversation with his immediate superior, the chief surgeon: “Enver, we are going to do something exciting. Have you ever done an operation in the field?”



“Not really. What do you want me to do?”



“Get a mobile team together and request an ambulance. Have everyone out front at nine tomorrow.”



On a cloudless Wednesday morning, Enver led two assistants and an anaesthesiologist into an ambulance and followed the chief surgeon’s car out of Urumqi going west. The ambulance had a picnic atmosphere until they realized they were entering the Western Mountain police district, which specialized in executing political dissidents. On a dirt road by a steep hill the chief surgeon pulled off, and came back to talk to Enver: “When you hear a gunshot, drive around the hill.”



“Can you tell us why we are here?”



“Enver, if you don’t want to know, don’t ask.”



“I want to know.”



“No. You don’t want to know.”



The chief surgeon gave him a quick, hard look as he returned to the car. Enver saw that beyond the hill there appeared to be some sort of armed police facility. People were milling about—civilians. Enver half-satirically suggested to the team that perhaps they were family members waiting to collect the body and pay for the bullet, and the team responded with increasingly sick jokes to break the tension. Then they heard a gunshot, possibly a volley, and drove around to the execution field.



Focusing on not making any sudden moves as he followed the chief surgeon’s car, Enver never really did get a good look. He briefly registered that there were 10, maybe 20 bodies lying at the base of the hill, but the armed police saw the ambulance and waved him over.



“This one. It’s this one.”



Sprawled on the blood-soaked ground was a man, around 30, dressed in navy blue overalls. All convicts were shaved, but this one had long hair.



“That’s him. We’ll operate on him.”



“Why are we operating?” Enver protested, feeling for the artery in the man’s neck. “Come on. This man is dead.”



Enver stiffened and corrected himself. “No. He’s not dead.”



“Operate then. Remove the liver and the kidneys. Now! Quick! Be quick!”



Following the chief surgeon’s directive, the team loaded the body into the ambulance. Enver felt himself going numb: Just cut the clothes off. Just strap the limbs to the table. Just open the body. He kept making attempts to follow normal procedure—sterilize, minimal exposure, sketch the cut. Enver glanced questioningly at the chief surgeon. “No anaesthesia,” said the chief surgeon. “No life support.”



The anaesthesiologist just stood there, arms folded—like some sort of ignorant peasant, Enver thought. Enver barked at him. “Why don’t you do something?”



“What exactly should I do, Enver? He’s already unconscious. If you cut, he’s not going to respond.”



But there was a response. As Enver’s scalpel went in, the man’s chest heaved spasmodically and then curled back again. Enver, a little frantic now, turned to the chief surgeon. “How far in should I cut?”



“You cut as wide and deep as possible. We are working against time.”



Enver worked fast, not bothering with clamps, cutting with his right hand, moving muscle and soft tissue aside with his left, slowing down only to make sure he excised the kidneys and liver cleanly. Even as Enver stitched the man back up—not internally, there was no point to that anymore, just so the body might look presentable—he sensed the man was still alive. I am a killer, Enver screamed inwardly. He did not dare to look at the face again, just as he imagined a killer would avoid looking at his victim.



The team drove back to Urumqi in silence.



On Thursday, the chief surgeon confronted Enver: “So. Yesterday. Did anything happen? Yesterday was a usual, normal day. Yes?”



Enver said yes, and it took years for him to understand that live organs had lower rejection rates in the new host, or that the bullet to the chest had—other than that first sickening lurch—acted like some sort of magical anaesthesia. He had done what he could; he had stitched the body back neatly for the family. And 15 years would elapse before Enver revealed what had happened that Wednesday.



As for Nijat, it wasn’t until 1996 that he put it together.



It happened just about midnight, well after the cell block lights were turned off. Nijat found himself hanging out in the detention compound’s administrative office with the medical director. Following a pause in the conversation, the director, in an odd voice, asked Nijat if he thought the place was haunted.



“Maybe it feels a little weird at night,” Nijat answered. “Why do you think that?”



“Because too many people have been killed here. And for all the wrong reasons.”



Nijat finally understood. The anticoagulant. The expensive “execution meals” for the regiment following a trip to the killing ground. The plainclothes agents in the cells who persuaded the prisoners to sign statements donating their organs to the state. And now the medical director was confirming it all: Those statements were real. They just didn’t take account of the fact that the prisoners would still be alive when they were cut up.



“Nijat, we really are going to hell.”



Nijat nodded, pulled on his beer, and didn’t bother to smile.



On February 2, 1997, Bahtiyar Shemshidin began wondering whether he was a policeman in name only. Two years before, the Chinese Public Security Bureau of the Western city of Ghulja recruited Bahtiyar for the drug enforcement division. It was a natural fit because Bahtiyar was tall, good-looking, and exuded effortless Uighur authority. Bahtiyar would ultimately make his way to Canada and freedom, but he had no trouble recalling his initial idealism; back then, Bahtiyar did not see himself as a Chinese collaborator but as an emergency responder.



For several years, heroin addiction had been creeping through the neighborhoods of Ghulja, striking down young Uighurs like a medieval plague. Yet inside the force, Bahtiyar quickly grasped that the Chinese heroin cartel was quietly protected, if not encouraged, by the authorities. Even his recruitment was a bait-and-switch. Instead of sending him after drug dealers, his Chinese superiors ordered him to investigate the Meshrep—a traditional Muslim get-together promoting clean living, sports, and Uighur music and dance. If the Meshrep had flowered like a traditional herbal remedy against the opiate invader, the Chinese authorities read it as a disguised attack on the Chinese state.



In early January 1997, on the eve of Ramadan, the entire Ghulja police force—Uighurs and Chinese alike—were suddenly ordered to surrender their guns “for inspection.” Now, almost a month later, the weapons were being released. But Bahtiyar’s gun was held back. Bahtiyar went to the Chinese bureaucrat who controlled supplies and asked after it. “Your gun has a problem,” Bahtiyar was told.



“When will you fix the problem?”



The bureaucrat shrugged, glanced at his list, and looked up at Bahtiyar with an unblinking stare that said: It is time for you to go. By the end of the day, Bahtiyar got it: Every Chinese officer had a gun. Every Uighur officer’s gun had a problem.



Three days later, Bahtiyar understood why. On February 5, approximately 1,000 Uighurs gathered in the center of Ghulja. The day before, the Chinese authorities arrested (and, it was claimed, severely abused) six women, all Muslim teachers, all participants in the Meshrep. The young men came without their winter coats to show they were unarmed, but, planned or unplanned, the Chinese police fired on the demonstrators.



Casualty counts of what is known as the Ghulja incident remain shaky. Bahtiyar recalls internal police estimates of 400 dead, but he didn’t see it; all Uighur policemen had been sent to the local jail “to interrogate prisoners” and were locked in the compound throughout the crisis. However, Bahtiyar did see Uighurs herded into the compound and thrown naked onto the snow—some bleeding, others with internal injuries. Ghulja’s main Uighur clinic was effectively shut down when a squad of Chinese special police arrested 10 of the doctors and destroyed the clinic’s ambulance. As the arrests mounted by late April, the jail became hopelessly overcrowded, and Uighur political prisoners were selected for daily executions. On April 24, Bahtiyar’s colleagues witnessed the killing of eight political prisoners; what struck them was the presence of doctors in “special vans for harvesting organs.”



In Europe I spoke with a nurse who worked in a major Ghulja hospital following the incident. Nervously requesting that I provide no personal details, she told me that the hospitals were forbidden to treat Uighur protesters. A doctor who bandaged an arm received a 15-year sentence, while another got 20 years, and hospital staff were told, “If you treat someone, you will get the same result.” The separation between the Uighur and Chinese medical personnel deepened: Chinese doctors would stockpile prescriptions rather than allow Uighur medical staff a key to the pharmacy, while Uighur patients were receiving 50 percent of their usual doses. If a Uighur couple had a second child, even if the birth was legally sanctioned, Chinese maternity doctors, she observed, administered an injection (described as an antibiotic) to the infant. The nurse could not recall a single instance of the same injection given to a Chinese baby. Within three days the infant would turn blue and die. Chinese staffers offered a rote explanation to Uighur mothers: Your baby was too weak, your baby could not handle the drug.



Shortly after the Ghulja incident, a young Uighur protester’s body returned home from a military hospital. Perhaps the fact that the abdomen was stitched up was just evidence of an autopsy, but it sparked another round of riots. After that, the corpses were wrapped, buried at gunpoint, and Chinese soldiers patrolled the cemeteries (one is not far from the current Urumqi airport). By June, the nurse was pulled into a new case: A young Uighur protester had been arrested and beaten severely. His family paid for his release, only to discover that their son had kidney damage. The family was told to visit a Chinese military hospital in Urumqi where the hospital staff laid it out: One kidney, 30,000 RMB (roughly $4,700). The kidney will be healthy, they were assured, because the transplant was to come from a 21-year-old Uighur male—the same profile as their son. The nurse learned that the “donor” was, in fact, a protester.



In the early autumn of 1997, fresh out of a blood-work tour in rural Xinjiang, a young Uighur doctor—let’s call him Murat—was pursuing a promising medical career in a large Urumqi hospital. Two years later he was planning his escape to Europe, where I met him some years after.



One day Murat’s instructor quietly informed him that five Chinese government officials—big guys, party members—had checked into the hospital with organ problems. Now he had a job for Murat: “Go to the Urumqi prison. The political wing, not the criminal side. Take blood samples. Small ones. Just to map out the different blood types. That’s all you have to do.”



“What about tissue matching?”



“Don’t worry about any of that, Murat. We’ll handle that later. Just map out the blood types.”



Clutching the authorization, and accompanied by an assistant from the hospital, Murat, slight and bookish, found himself facing approximately 15 prisoners, mostly tough-guy Uighurs in their late twenties. As the first prisoner sat down and saw the needle, the pleading began.



“You are a Uighur like me. Why are you going to hurt me?”



“I’m not going to hurt you. I’m just taking blood.”



At the word “blood,” everything collapsed. The men howled and stampeded, the guards screaming and shoving them back into line. The prisoner shrieked that he was innocent. The Chinese guards grabbed his neck and squeezed it hard.



“It’s just for your health,” Murat said evenly, suddenly aware the hospital functionary was probably watching to make sure that Murat wasn’t too sympathetic. “It’s just for your health,” Murat said again and again as he drew blood.



When Murat returned to the hospital, he asked the instructor, “Were all those prisoners sentenced to death?”



“That’s right, Murat, that’s right. Yes. Just don’t ask any more questions. They are bad people—enemies of the country.”



But Murat kept asking questions, and over time, he learned the drill. Once they found a matching blood type, they would move to tissue matching. Then the political prisoner would get a bullet to the right side of the chest. Murat’s instructor would visit the execution site to match up blood samples. The officials would get their organs, rise from their beds, and check out.



Six months later, around the first anniversary of Ghulja, five new officials checked in. The instructor told Murat to go back to the political wing for fresh blood. This time, Murat was told that harvesting political prisoners was normal. A growing export. High volume. The military hospitals are leading the way.



By early 1999, Murat stopped hearing about harvesting political prisoners. Perhaps it was over, he thought.



Yet the Xinjiang procedure spread. By the end of 1999, the Uighur crackdown would be eclipsed by Chinese security’s largest-scale action since Mao: the elimination of Falun Gong. By my estimate up to three million Falun Gong practitioners would pass through the Chinese corrections system. Approximately 65,000 would be harvested, hearts still beating, before the 2008 Olympics. An unspecified, significantly smaller, number of House Christians and Tibetans likely met the same fate.



By Holocaust standards these are piddling numbers, so let’s be clear: China is not the land of the final solution. But it is the land of the expedient solution. Some will point to recent statements from the Chinese medical establishment admitting the obvious—China’s medical environment is not fully ethical—and see progress. Foreign investors suspect that eventually the Chinese might someday—or perhaps have already—abandon organ harvesting in favor of the much more lucrative pharmaceutical and clinical testing industries. The problem with these soothing narratives is that reports, some as recent as one year ago, suggest that the Chinese have not abandoned the Xinjiang procedure.



In July 2009, Urumqi exploded in bloody street riots between Uighurs and Han Chinese. The authorities massed troops in the regional capital, kicked out the Western journalists, shut down the Internet, and, over the next six months, quietly, mostly at night, rounded up Uighur males by the thousands. According to information leaked by Uighurs held in captivity, some prisoners were given physical examinations aimed solely at assessing the health of their retail organs. The signals may be faint, but they are consistent, and the conclusion is inescapable: China, a state rapidly approaching superpower status, has not just committed human rights abuses—that’s old news—but has, for over a decade, perverted the most trusted area of human expertise into performing what is, in the legal parlance of human rights, targeted elimination of a specific group.



Yet Nijat sits in refugee limbo in Neuchâtel, Switzerland, waiting for a country to offer him asylum. He confessed to me. He confessed to others. But in a world eager not to offend China, no state wants his confession. Enver made his way to an obscure seminar hosted by the House of Commons on Chinese human rights. When the MPs opened the floor to questions, Enver found himself standing up and speaking, for the first time, of killing a man. I took notes, but no British MP or their staffers could be bothered to take Enver’s number.



The implications are clear enough. Nothing but self-determination for the Uighurs can suffice. The Uighurs, numbering 13 million, are few, but they are also desperate. They may fight. War may come. On that day, as diplomats across the globe call for dialogue with Beijing, may every nation look to its origins and its conscience. For my part, if my Jewish-sounding name tells me anything, it is this: The dead may never be fully avenged, but no people can accept being fatally exploited forever.



Ethan Gutmann, an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, wishes to thank Jaya Gibson for research assistance and the Peder Wallenberg family for research support.

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Uygurlar Neden Soy Adsız? Herkes Utanç Içinde Düşünmeliyiz!


Mehmet Emin Hazret



Bizim uçsuz- bucaksız geniş topraklarımızı,kendi ülke sınırları içine dahil etmede büyük başarılara imza atan Hen milleti soy ad tarihi en uzun olan millettir.


Çin tarihi kaynaklarında Çinlilerin soy ad kullanma tarihinin 5-6 bin seneye kadar uzandığından bahsederler.Bu abartılı bir görüş olsa da,Çinlilerin soy ad tarihi 2000 seneye kadar dayanıyor.



Bugün,1.5 milyar insanın yaşadığı Çinde Hanlar kullanmakta olan 100 civarında soy ad vardır.Çin statik veri idaresinin verilerine göre,Vang soyadı ile nüfusa kayıt olanların sayısı 93 milyon. (vang-padişah demektir.kendisin padişah soyundan sayanlar vang soyadı almaya meyillidirler) Li soyadlı 92 milyon,jang soyadlı 88 milyon insan vardır.

Çinliler,kendilerinin köklü kültüre sahip olduğunun delili olarak ilk önce soy ad tarihini gösterirler.



Her hangi bir Çinlinin dolabında aile için değerli sayılan bir şecere defteri vardır. Bin senelik soy ağacını bilen Çinliler var. Hiç bilmeyen Han aydınları da de 150-200 senelik soy ağacını biliyorlar.Uygurlarda ise bir kaç kuşak aile soy ağacını bilen aydınlar çok azdır.



Halkımız içinde aile tarihine merak olmadığı için,milli tarihimize de merak salan fazla kimse yok.Geçmişimiz hakkında doğru bilgiye kavuşmamız kısıtlanıyor…

Kör insan için dünya ebedi karanlıktır.Güneşi görmediği için onu inkar edenler mutluluğun adını “karanlık” derler.

Cehalete alışmak feodal yapımızdan kaynaklanıyor.Cehaleti sevmek kör milli aklın sonucudur.



Medeni bir milletin soyadsız hayat sürdürmesi yüz kızartıcı bir durumdur.

Çinliler bizi yönettiği için ve bize asimilasyon politikası uyguladığı için,onların kültürüne nefret ediyoruz,Çin kültüründeki üstünlükleri görmek istemiyoruz.Çinlilerin üstünlüklerini öğrenmek isteklerimizin olmayışı onların hoşuna gidiyor.



Bugün bizi Çinliler yönetiyor.Onlarda olan maddi ve manevi üstünlüklerin hepsine sahip olmayı arzu ediyoruz.Bazı arzularımıza şimdilik ulaşmamız imkansız,bazı arzularımız yasa ilen engellenmiş durumda.Uygurların soy ad kullanması konusunda hiç bir yasal engel yok.Çünkü,Çinlilerin kendilerinde soy ad var. Bizim soy ad kullanmamız Çinlilerin çıkarlarına zararlı değildir.



Soy adı bir tek Çinliler de değil, kendi soyumuzdan olan Anadolu Türkleri de

kullanılıyor.

Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi 21.haziran 1934.yılı soy ad kanununu Kabul etmiştir.

İlk soyadı Mustafa Kemal Atatürk almıştır. “Atatürk” Mustafa Kemal’in soyadıdır.

İstiklal savaşında Türk milletine önderlik ederek yabancı orduları Türk topraklarında atan,çağdaş Türkiye Cumhuriyetini kuran Mustafa Kemal Ata Türk kendine ve Türk milletine soy ad kullanmayı uygun görmüşken, biz neden kendimize soy ad kullanmayı uygun görmüyoruz?



Türkiye de,Özbek,Uygur,Tatar,Türkmen…soyadını kullanmakta olan milyonlarca insan vardır.



Biz soyadsız ve eski Osmanlıca Arap alfabesi ile yaşamayı sürdürmekteyiz. Bizim böyle geri kalmamızı kimler arzu eder?

Biz ne zamana kadar bizi geri bırakmak isteyenlerin beşiğinde uyuyacağız?



Bugün Gulca Astana dan 50 yıl, Kaşgar ise Şanghay dan 100 yıl geri kalmış durumdadır.



Son 15 sene içersinde Şanghay’a 200 milyar dolar yatırım yapılmıştır. 17 milyon nüfuslu Şanghayda 39 Üniversite vardır. Şanghay bir balıkçı kasabası iken Kaşgar dünyanın en gelişmiş ticari ve kültür başkentlerinden biri idi.

Kaşgar bugün işsiz insanlar yığınını barındıran,orta çağı andıran kalabalık bir varoşlar kentidir.



3000 senelik Kaşgar’ın bugünlere gelmesine hayat veren Tümen nehri,şuan şehrin kocaman kanalizasyonuna dönüşmüş durumda.Kokudan nehre yaklaşılmıyor.Bu mikrop yuvasına dönüşmüş nehrin çevresi Uygur yerleşim bölgesi.Yoksul şehir ahalisi, bile-bile nehrin suyunu içmeyi devam etmektedir.

Şanghay Han Çinlilerin, Kaşgar Uygurların bugünkü durumunu yansıtan aynasıdır.



Uygurlar tarım toplumudur. Çin son 30 sene içinde asırlık kalkınmayı gerçekleştirerek dünyayı hayran bırakırken,biz Uygurları da her yönden çok geri bıraktılar.Devlet biz Uygurları sanayi,bilim,teknolojiye bulaştırmamakta kararlı. Soy ad Çin devlet bütçesini etkileyecek bir şey değildir. Uygurların soy ad alması Çin hükümetine hiçbir maddi yük getirmeyecektir.



Uygur aydınların çoğunun boynu devlet’in maaş zinciri ile bağlanmış olduğundan vicdanları mühürlenmiş,ağızları bantlanmış durumdalar.

Kimse konuşamıyor,konuşmuyor.Kimse yazamıyor,yazmıyor. Çünkü, Uygurlara barınacak evden fazla Uygurları dolduracak hapishane binaları yapılıyor.



Devlet teşkilatı olmayan halkların lokomotifi aydınlarıdır.Uygur milletinin aydınlarından beklentisi çok büyüktür.Uygur aydınlar sınıfı azımsanmayacak kadar sayı ve kapasiteye sahiptir.

Uygur aydınları,devlet ile çatışmaya girmeyecek soy ad konusunda bir şeyler yapmalı,ses çıkarmalı.

Üniversite hocaları,öğrenciler,yazarlar-çizerler,araştırmacılar…kendiniz için,aileniz için soy ad alın! sokaktaki insan sizden örnek alsınlar.Eğer soy ad kullandığınız için hapse atarlarsa dış dünya bunu öğrenecek.

Bir gün gelir Uygur özerk bölgesi millet meclisinde Uygurlara soy ad verilmesi konusunda kanun tasarısı verebilecek cesarete sahip insanlar çıkabilir.



21.yüz yılda işsizlikte,yoksullukta,onurunu yetirmede,AİDS de,soy adsızlıkta,Çin eyaletlerine namusunuz sayılan kızlarımızı top-top yollamada….rekor kırma bize yakışıyor da,soy ad almak bize yakışmıyormu?



Biz Hunların,Oğuzların evlatları değimliyiz?! Hoten de herkes bin seneden beri ve bugünde birbirini çağırırken Mehmet Akhun, Ahmet Akhun,Kasım Akhun,Murat Akhun… diye çağırmıyor mu?! (Hoten ağız şivesinde Mehmet Niyaz Akhun-Metniyzahun,Obulkasım Akhun-Olkasımahun,Mehmet Emin Akhun-Metiminahun… olarak kısaltıp söylenir) 21.Yüz yılda soy adsız Ak hun larmıyız? Afrika daki çiğ et yiyen ilkel kabileler bile soy ad kullanmaya başladı.Soylu bir ırkın soyundan olan bizler için soyumuzu bilmemek,soy ad kullanmayı öğrenmemek çok ama çok utanç verici bir durumdur.



Yurdumuzun,Urumçi,Sanji,Şihanzi,Kuytun,Karamay… demir yol hattında 60 sene içersinde kurulmuş olan yeni şehirler,petrol meydanları,organize sanayi bölgelerinde ortaya çıkan maddi,manevi refah göz kamaştırıcı boyutlara ulaşmıştır.

Yoksul ve acı içindeki Uygurların en verimli topraklarında kurulan bu mutluluk adaları hiç bir zaman Uygurlara ait olmamıştır, olmayacaktır.



Beş bin yıllık Türk kültürü bize kölelik değil,onur aşılamıştır.

Zaman, devamlı susma,düşünme,vicdan acısı çekme zamanı değildir.

Zaman, karar verme,hareket etme zamanıdır.

Muhemmed Imin Bughraning Tughulghanliqining 110 Yilliqini Xatirilesh Murasimi Ötküzüldi

Ixtiyariy muxbirimiz arslan

2011-11-13

2011‏-Yili 11-Ayning 12-Küni sherqiy türkistan wexpining uyushturushi bilen istanbulning zeytinburnu rayonluq hökümetning aq déngiz yighin zalida muhemmed imin bughraning tughulghanliqining 110-Yilliqini xatirilesh murasimi ötküzüldi.

RFA/Arslan

Muhemmed imin bughraning tughulghanliqining 110 yilliqini xatirilesh murasimidin bir körünüsh. 2011-Yili 12-Noyabir, istanbul.

Murasimgha sherqiy türkistan wexpi, sherqiy türkistan maarip we hemkarliq jemiyiti sherqiy türkistan yashlar jemiyiti, sherqiy türkistan méhri-Shepqet we hemkarliq jemiyiti qatarliq ammiwi teshkilatning mesulliri we istanbulda yashawatqan uyghurlardin köp sanda kishi qatnashti.
Murasim quran kerim tilawet qilish we istiqlal marshi oqush bilen bashlandi. Murasimda türkiye ege uniwérsitét türk dunyasi tetqiqat institutining oqutquchisi proféssor doktor alimjan inayet échilish nutqi sözlidi. Murasimda yene muhemmed imin bughraning hayat ish izliri tonushturulghan höjjetlik filim körsitildi. Kéyin enqere uniwérsitét til edebiyat fakultétining oqutquchisi doktor erkin emet, «muhemmed imin bughraning hindistan we afghanistandiki paaliyetliri», dégen témida. Sulayman démiral uniwérsitéti til-Edebiyat fakultétining oqutquchisi doktor abdullah békir, «muhemmed imin bughraning rehberlik alahidiliki we ilim sewiyisi» dégen témida. Éli elioghli, «muhemmed imin bughraning türkiyidiki hayat-Paaliyiti» dégen témida. Proféssor doktor alimjan inayet, «muhemmed imin bughraning tarix chüshenchisi we tarix tetqiqati» dégen témida söz qildi.

Alimjan inayet muhemmed imin bughraning tughulghanliqining 110 yilliqini xatirilesh murasimida échilish nutqi sözlidi. 2011-Yili 12-Noyabir, istanbul.

Doktor abdullah békir, «muhemmed imin bughraning rehberlik alahidiliki we bilim sewiyisi» dégen témida söz qilip mundaq dédi: muhemmed imin bughra 1901-Yili sherqiy türkistanning xoten shehiride mötiwer bir ailide dunyagha keldi. 9 Yéshida bashlanghuch mektepni, 21 yéshida xoten we qaraqashtiki medrisilerde ilim tehsil qilip yüksek dini ilim bilen oqush püttürdi. Ereb we pars tilini puxta ögendi. 1922‏-Yildin 1933-Yilghiche bolghan ariliqta xoten we qaraqashta quran tepsiri we hedis ilimliri boyiche muderris bolup ders ögetti.
Yuqiri ilim, qabiliyiti we yéqimliq shexsiyiti bilen qisqa bir muddet ichide etrapta nam qazanghan muhemmed imin bughra sherqiy türkistan xelqining ataqliq hörmetke sazawer dini zatlirigha bérilidighan «hezritim» unwani bilen ataldi. Bügünki kündimu sherqiy türkistan xelqi merhumni «hezritim» dégen unwan bilen yad etmekte.
Muhemmed imin bughra yash chéghidin bashlapla, uyghurche, erebche, parsche shéirlar yézishqa bashlighan. Uning shéirlar toplimida erebche, parsche shéirlarni xéli uchritimiz. Buning bilen bille muhemmed imin bughra özini her pursette zamaniwi ilimler bilen yétishtürüshkimu tirishqan. Shu dewrlerde teshebbus qilinghan «maaripta yéngiliqqa köchüsh» herikitini qollap-Quwwetligen.


Muhemmed imin bughra qariqashta yash muderris we taliplarni teshkillep, zalim mustemlikichi chin hökümranlirining dehshetlik zulumi milliy tengsizlik we ézilishliridin uyghur xelqini qandaq qutuldurush yolida chare-Tedbir izlidi. Buning üchün u aldi bilen ishni öginish, tekshürüp tetqiq qilishtin bashlidi. Shu dewrdiki yétersiz we az imkaniyetlerdin paydilinishtin bashqa sodigerlerning chetellerdin élip kelgen gézitliridin paydilinip dunya weziyitidin xewerdar bolghan. Sherqiy türkistanning pütkül sheherlirini aylinip chiqqan muhemmed imin bughra, weziyetni közetkendin kéyin xitay zulumidin qutulush üchün sherqiy türkistanning u weziyitide qoralliq milliy inqilab qilishtin bashqa chare yoq, dégen chüshenchige kelgen. Shuning bilen 1930-Yilinining axirlirida «milliy inqilab komitéti» teshkilati quruldi. Bughra qomandanliqida 1932‏-Yili 2‏-Ayning 20-Küni qaraqashta bashlanghan milliy azadliq inqilabi netijiside, 1934-Yili 7-Ayghiche qeder gherbte, yéngisardin tartip sherqte, bolghan jaylar xitay mustemlikichilerdin azad qilindi we pütün sherqiy türkistan yéyilghan milliy azadliq inqilabigha maddiy we meniwi jehette muhim yardemler qilindi. Bu tarixtin muhemmed imin xoten mujahidliri bash qomandani bolup «emir hezritim» dégen unwani bilen chetelde bolsa «xoten emiri» dep tonuldi. 1934-Yilining axirida militarist ma xusenning hujumliridin qutulup hindistangha hijret qildi.
Biz bu murasim heqqide toluq melumatqa ige bolush üchün murasimni uyushturghan sherqiy türkistan wexpining bashliqi ilghar aliptékin bilen söhbet élip barduq.

Copyright © 1998-2011 Radio Free Asia. All rights reserved.

http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/tepsili_xewer/muhemmet-imin-11142011114210.html/story_main?encoding=latin

Sherqitürkistan Sürgündiki Hökümitining Jumhuriyet Bayrimi Heqqidiki Bayanati

Jumhuriyet Bayriminglargha Qutluq Bolsun!



Zulumgha bash egmeydighan erkinlik we hürlük üchün üzlüksiz küresh qilish enenisige ige Sherqitürkistan xelqi, Xitay mustemlikisige qarshi qozghulup, 1933-yili 12- Noyabirda bir qétim we 1944-yili 12-Noyabirda yene bir qétim erkin we démokrattik Jumhuriyitini qurup, özlirining qul bolmaydighanliqini, tajawuzchiliq we milliy zulumgha qarshi kürishini mengü toxtatmaydighanliqini dunyagha jakarlighanidi.



Ichkiy we tashqiy seweplerdin köre bu inqilap méwisini bashqilar tartiwalghan bolsimu, Xelqimiz jumhuriyitimiz qurulghan eshu qutluq künni muqeddes bilip, bügünki küngiche her türlük shekilde tebriklep kelmekte.



Eziz wetinimiz Xitay mustemlikiside qalghan 62 yil Sherqitürkistan xelqining qan-yashqa tolghan, jahalet we milliy zulum astida ingirighan ahanetlik bir dewir boldi.62 yilliq mustemlike dunyadiki nurghun milletlerni kultur we til-yéziq jehettin mehrum qilip, bir étnik topluq süpitide yashash iqtidaridin ayrip tashlighan bolsa, tam uning eksiche Sherqitürkistan xelqining milliy iptixari we wetenperwerlik rohini tawlap, kolliktip xaraktirimizdiki ajizliqlarni küchlendürüp, kélichekke yüksek ümid bilen qaraydighan, mesuluyetchan we qeyser xaraktirni yétildürmekte.



Shu seweptin weten ichi we Dunyaning herqaysi jayliridiki Sherqitürkistanliqlar muqeddes Ay-yultuzluq kök bayraqning etrapigha uyushup, tarixtiki öz-üzige xoja, musteqil we hür dölitini yeni Sherqitürkistan Jumhuriyitini eslige keltürüsh üchün kündüzni kéchige ulap tirishchanliq körsetmekte.Buni elbette teqdirleshke erziydu. Bu xil halet parlaq kélichektin bérilgen bisharet bolsimu, milliy, iqtisadiy we siyasiy jehettin özaldigha bash kötürüshning shert-sharaitlirining pütünley piship yétilgenlikini körsetmeydu!



Bir millet siyasiy jehettin bash kötürüshtin awal meniwiy jehettin piship yétilgen bolidu.Bügünki küresh musteqiliq musapisining meniwiy qurulush basquchi bolup, meniwiy takammulluqning berpa qilinishi döletning tughulidighanliqining aldin bisharitidur. Biz xelqimizni milly herkitimizning sewiysi, basquchi we ihtiyajigha uyghun shekilde oyghutishimiz, terbiylep yétildürishimiz we toghra yolgha yéteklishimiz lazim. Qurmaqchi bolghan musteqil döletni eng aldi bilen milliy rohiyet tupriqimizda berpa qilishimiz kérek.Xelqimiz milliy herkitimizning herqaysi basquchigha meniwiy jehettin hazirlanmay turup, qulluq zenjiri parchaqlanmaydu, bir zulumdin qutulup yene bir zulumgha mehkum bolimiz.Bu jehettin élip éytqanda Sherqitürkistan jemiyitini teshkil qilghan her bir shexisning qilishqa tigishlik kam bolsa bolmaydighan xizmetliri bar.



Riyalliq ispatlidiki biz téxi milliy inqilapning iptidayi basquchinimu bashtin kechürüp bolalmiduq.Turghunluq weziyet dawamlashmaqta, tereqqiyat kem, iqtidarimiz melum basquchtin halqip kételmeywatidu, tekrar heriket köp, tikip-söküp ish qilghanliqimiz üchün Mangidu-mangidu qirdin ashalmaydu bolup qéliwatidu.



Milliy rohni chirmap ketken qulchiliq iddiysi, özini kemsitish bilen parallil mewjut bolup turiwatqan rohiy ghalbiyetchilik kolliktip wijdanimizni kardin chiqirip, étnik gewdimizning qeddini pükmekte.Birlik, ittipaqliq we ortaq siyasiy programma tupriqini hazirlash üchün toghra bir yol tapalmisaq, yéqindila yüz bérish aldida turghan yéngi dunya kün tertiwide bir millet süpitide shallinip kétimiz. Bir tereptin xitay tajawuzchillirigha qarshi her-türlük paaliyetlirimizni janlandursaq yene bir tereptin wijdanliq bir shexis, nomusluq bir jamaet, qeyser bir millet berpa qilish jehettin hemmimiz birlikte izdenmisek bolmaydu.



Tarix tekrarlinidu, sheilerning tebiyiti aldirap özgermeydu. Uyghur we uning qérindashlirining siyasiy jehettin qeddini tikleydighanliqi kéche bolsa tang atidighandekla bir qanuniyet.Emma buninggha nurghun jeryan kétidu, ishench, yéngiche tepekkur we jasaret bilen ish qilayli! Biz dunyadiki eqilliq, medniyetlik, ishchan we tirishchan xeliqlerning biri.Qilayli dep kolliktip qarar bersek qilalmaydighan ishimiz yoq! Qérindashlar xatalarni tüzütüp birlisheyli, jismaniy we zihniy qudritimizni merkezleshtürüshning yéngi yolini tépip chiqayli!



Bügün barliqmimiz musteqil Jumhuriyitimiz üchün Bolsun!





STSH Kultur We Axbarat Ministirliki



12.Noyabir 2011 Gérmaniye

Uyghur Mutexessisliri Elishir Nawayi Diwanlirini Neshrge Teyyarlimaqta


Muxbirimiz Gülchéhre

2011-11-02


2-Noyabir küni ürümchide dawam qiliwatqan elishir nawayi tughulghanliqining 570 yilliqini xatirilesh xelqaraliq ilmiy muhakime yighinining xulasisi chiqti.
en.wikipedia.org

 

Uyghur xelqining meshhur alimi ulugh edib elishir nawayi


Bu ikki künlük ilmiy muhakime yighinigha uyghurlar, türk we bashqa ellerdin kelgen newayishunas mutexessis edib we alimlar bolup 100 din artuq kishi qatnashqan idi. Muhakime dawamida uyghur we xelqaraliq nawayishunaslarning 40 tin artuq nadir ilmiy maqaliliri oqup ötülgen. Kéler yili ichide mezkur maqaliler toplimining neshrdin chiqidighanliqi ilgiri sürülmekte.
Yighinning muweppeqiyiti


Elishir nawayi tughulghanliqining 570 yilliqigha béghishlanghan xelqaraliq ilmiy muhakime yighini 1-Noyabirdin 3-Noyabirghiche dawam qilidighan bolup, ikki kün muhakime, bir künlük ziyaret we söhbet paaliyetliri bilen ayaghlashmaqchi. 2-Noyabir muhakime yighinining muhakime qismi ayaghliship xulase chiqirilghan. Yighin uyghur klassik edebiyati we muqam ilmiy jemiyiti teripidin uyushturulghan. Yighingha uyghur nawayishunaslardin péshqedem tilshunas tetqiqatchi mirsultan osman, memet turdi mirzaexmet, abduqeyyum xoja, israpil yüsüp, gheyretjan osman qatarliq tilshunas, edib we tarixshunas mutexessislerdin bashqa yene gérmaniye, türkiye, qazaqistan qatarliq jaylardinmu mutexessisler ishtirak qilghan we ularning newayishunasliqqa dair 40 parchidin artuq nadir maqaliliri oqup ötülgen hemde bular toghrisida muhakimiler bolghan. Uyghur we chetel mutexessisliri ulugh uyghur mutepekkur shairi elishir nawayining hayati we ijadiyitige yene bir qétim yuqiri bahalar bérip, uning jezmleshken töhpisige yene pexirlik tuyghuliri bilen apirinlar oqughan, mutexessisler nawayi we uning qaldurghan nadir eserlirining tetqiqatlirini rawajlandurush heqqide nurghun qimmetlik pikirlerni otturigha qoyup, bir qanche konkrét tetqiqat türliri heqqide kélishishken.
Emma, bu heqte uyghur aptonom rayoni dairilirining xewer we teshwiqat torlirida héchqandaq melumat bérilmidi.
Uyghur nawayishunaslardin mirsultan osmanof, israpil yüsüp bashliq yene bir qanche yash mutexessislerdin teshkillengen mutexessisler guruppisi teripidin «chahar diwani»ning bir qismi neshrge teyyarlinip yighingha sogha süpitide sunulghan, bu kitab yéqinda milletler neshriyati teripidin uyghur, xitay we inglizche bolup üch tilda neshrdin chiqidiken.
Mutexessislerdiki memnunluq
Mezkur muhakime yighini xulasilengendin kéyin, yighinning eng zor netijisining néme bolghanliqini bir qisim uyghur mutexessislerge téléfon qilip soriduq, gerche ular yighin dawamidiki bixeterlik tedbirliri seweblik ziyaritimizni resmiy qobul qilishni biep körgen bolsimu, emma bu muhakime yighinining ürümchide échilghanliqining intayin zor ehmiyetke ige ikenlikini tilgha aldi we mezkur muhakime yighinning eng chong ehmiyiti we netijisini nawayining töt chong diwanidin terkib tapqan «chahar diwan» ning jemiy 12 tom kitab qilip toluq neshrge teyyarlash ishlirining testiqlengenliki» dep bildürdi.
Uyghur mutexessislerning bildürüshige qarighanda, bu 12 tomdin terkib tashqan nawayi diwanliri kéler yil axirghiche neshrge teyyarlinip oqurmenler bilen yüz körüshidiken.


Ulugh mutepekkur,edib elishir nawayining qisqiche terjimihali


Elishir nawayi uyghur xelqining medeniyet we edebiyat tarixida qaraxaniylar dewridin kéyinki güllinish dewrining wekili sherq oyghinishining namayendisi, uttur esirde ötken büyük mutepekkur, edpshunas, tilshunas, pütün türkiy milletlerning pexirlik pen medeniyet namayendisi. Elishir nawayi 1441-Yili 2-Ayning 9-Küni xurasan memlikitining merkizi hératta ghiyasidin baxshi ailiside dunyagha kelgen.


Uning esli qollanghan ismi nizamidin elishir nawayi, türük tilidiki ijadiyitide qollanghan texellusi nawayi, pars tilida qollanghan texellusi fani.

U 1501-Yili 1-Ayni 3-Küni hératta késel sewebidin alemdin ötken.

Elishir nawayi 60 yilliq hayatida zor küch we zéhin serp qilip nurghun büyük abidilerni qaldurup ketken.
Buning nadir namayendiliridin, diwanlar yeni töt chong diwandin terkib tapqan «chahar diwan.»

«Xemse» din ibaret «heyretulebira», «perhad we shéri»,«leyli we mejnun», «sebbié seyyare», «seddi iskender» besh muhebbet dastanidin terkib tapqan dastanlar toplimi bar.


Bulardin bashqa u yene tezkiriler, til we edebiyat, diniy exlaq pelsepiwi eserler, tarixiy eserler, wesiqiler bolup minglighan bir-Biridin qimmetlik bediiy eserliri we chongqur pelsepiwiylikke ige tereqqiyperwer, hikmetlirini bizge qaldurghan.
Newayining eserliri uyghur klassik edebiyatida, milliy maaripida, tarix tetqiqatida muhim orungha ige bolupla qalmay, 12 muqam milodiyilirige singip hazirgha qeder éytilip kéliwatqan shéir, dastanliri bilenmu, uyghursenet saheside pewquladde zor ehmiyetke ige.
Newayi insaniyet klassik edebiyat, senet sahesidiki qoshqan alahide töhpisi bilen uyghur, özbék we barliq türk hem pars tilliq milletler ortaq pexirlinidighan pewquladde shair we edebiyat nemunisi. Birleshken döletler maarip pen medeniyet orgini uning insaniyet pen medeniyitige qoshqan töhpisi hörmitige 1991-Yilini nawayi yili qilip békitken idi.
Newayi tetqiqatliri shundaqla uning hayatigha béghishlanghan xatirilesh paaliyetliri muhakime yighinlirini uyghurlardin bashqa türkiye we ottura asiya ellirimu ötküzüp kelmekte.


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